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New research reveals the U.S. has a plausible but narrow path to accomplishing its international climate commitments.

Here’s the good news: The United States is closer than it’s ever been to reaching its ambitious Paris Agreement goals. For the first time since President Joe Biden set a new and aggressive carbon-reduction target in 2021 — and for the first time, arguably, since the climate accord was signed in 2016 — America has a plausible path to accomplishing its international climate commitments.
Here’s the bad: The country still needs a few more big policies to get over the line. Cities, states, companies, and the federal government must slash carbon pollution in ways that go beyond what the Inflation Reduction Act, Biden’s signature climate law, will achieve. Even then, emissions must plunge more than twice as fast over the next seven years as they did over the past 17.
Those are the headline findings of a new report from the Rhodium Group, a California-based energy-research firm that produces independent analyses of American climate policy.
The report finds that in order to make its 2030 goal, the U.S. needs to cut emissions about 40% faster than current estimates project. That is doable, but it will require a broad societal effort, Ben King, an author of the report and an associate director at the Rhodium Group, told me. Rhodium dubs this playbook the “joint action” scenario.
“It’s totally appropriate to look at it and say [the Paris goals] are within reach,” he said. “But being within reach doesn’t mean it’s an easy reach.”
Those policies will not be easy to pass, although according to King, they should make economic sense: The policies and actions necessary to make the Paris goal should help American households somewhere on the order of $290 to $350 a year.

Under the Paris Agreement, the U.S. has committed to reducing its annual emissions 50 to 52% by 2030, as compared to the all-time high that they reached in 2005. For reference, American emissions were about 15.5% below their all-time high last year, according to an early estimate. So the country obviously has a long way to go.
Some emissions cuts are already baked in, however. Thanks to the Inflation Reduction Act, or IRA, America is on track to get its emissions about 40% below their all-time high by 2030, the report says. (There’s some uncertainty here: If fossil-fuel prices spike and the IRA is more successful than hoped, American emissions could fall as much as 42% below their all-time high; if fossil-fuel prices crash, renewable prices spike, and the IRA founders, then emissions may only fall 32% of the way below their all-time high.) So in order to make its Paris goal, the country must find an extra 10 percentage points of emissions cuts — and it must do so quickly enough to make a difference eight years from now.
So what will that require? Consider this a check list to making America’s Paris Agreement goals:
First, the Environmental Protection Administration must adopt a robust set of anti-pollution rules across several parts of the economy, King said. It must use the Clean Air Act to pass stringent new limits on how much greenhouse-gas pollution that power plants can pump into the atmosphere — and it must tighten existing rules on conventional air pollution, including toxic airborne mercury and smog that crosses state lines. The EPA also has to finalize its rules on methane pollution from oil and gas facilities, and it has to strengthen its rules for tailpipe pollution from cars and trucks so that they run to 2030.
Other federal agencies must take new actions, too. The Department of Energy needs to strengthen its energy-efficiency standards, which apply to home appliances, building equipment, and industrial machinery, King said. And the Department of Agriculture must finish setting up a program that pays farmers and foresters to use climate-smart practices.
These executive actions must then survive judicial scrutiny and remain on the books until 2030, enduring a change of presidential administration in 2024 or 2028. How likely is that? Not as improbable as you might think. Many of the rules, including the Energy Department standards and most of the EPA’s regulation, clearly falls within their respective agency’s authority, and Congress has already funded the program for climate-smart farming. But some rules, particularly the EPA’s greenhouse-gas rules for power plants, could test the conservative Supreme Court’s limits. Last year, that court struck down the EPA’s attempt to establish a carbon cap-and-trade scheme under the Clean Air Act; the justices also claimed the right to strike down any executive action that raises a “major” political question. But that ruling didn’t forbid the EPA from ever issuing carbon-related regulations, and the agency could publish a new and much simpler rule that will accomplish the same carbon cuts at greater cost.
Yet even an aggressive suite of federal rules won’t be enough to achieve the country’s 2030 goal, the report found. When layered on top of the IRA, those federal programs will get the country’s emissions only about 46% below their all-time high. The country still needs to find another four to six percentage points of emissions cuts in order to lock in Paris.
So states must step up. About 20 states belong to the U.S. Climate Alliance, a pact of largely Democratic governors who committed to meeting the Paris Agreement goals. Those states must adopt “best-in-class policies,” King said, including clean-energy standards, zero-emissions targets, and low-carbon fuel standards. They must fund and grow their public-transit systems. But even that won’t be enough. In order for the U.S. to meet its goals, every utility with a clean-electricity pledge in 2030 or 2050 must have either achieved its goal or be well on its way to doing so.
If all that happens — and fossil-fuel prices don’t collapse, solar-panel and wind-turbine prices don’t spike, and the IRA isn’t rendered ineffectual or repealed outright — then the U.S. could barely make its 2030 Paris goals.
This litany of policies might seem far-fetched, but remember: The IRA, which will take America most of the way to meeting its 2030 goal, itself once seemed impossible. Finishing that journey will require many smaller impossibilities. But such is the work when the prize — a wealthy economy that is well on its way to total decarbonization — is so sweet.
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Current conditions: For the first time since 1914, the Atlantic hurricane season may pass without any major hurricanes, per an AccuWeather forecast • From Phoenix to Dallas, flood watches are in effect as the remnants of Hurricane Polo stretch inland from the Pacific through the Southwest • Surigae, now upgraded to a “severe” tropical storm, is set to slam into Japan’s Izu Islands, a partially populated archipelago in the same municipality as Tokyo.
The Department of Energy has ordered the release of 40 million barrels of oil from the Strategic Petroleum Reserve as diesel surpasses $6.50 per gallon and Texas proclaims a statewide “disaster” over soaring prices. The move, which Secretary of Energy Chris Wright said would “stabilize the market,” comes as the Trump administration weighs whether to temporarily ban exports of diesel, a radical step that might only slightly lower American prices while sending Europe’s fuel costs skyrocketing, as the chief executive of the continent’s No. 2 oil company cautioned in a Bloomberg interview this week. The oil is expected to be a loan from the stockpile that would, Wright said, ultimately save Americans more than $3 billion. The transaction follows the same approach the Trump administration has taken since agreeing to distribute 172 million barrels from the Strategic Petroleum Reserve back in March, when the war with Iran began. Had the administration instead sold the barrels through an emergency drawdown instead of a trade, as it did previously, and simultaneously structured the deal to allow it to buy back oil at the lower prices the futures market is trading at presently, the Energy Department could have significantly increased its profits. That’s the finding of a policy memo from the think tank Employ America that I told you about a few weeks ago. The profit could, in turn, be used to invest in America’s fuel stockpile, clearing some of the $230 million backlog of physical repairs needed on the infrastructure that stores the crude. “The choice to deliver more barrels is fraught, but with that decision made, the administration missed an opportunity to set up the SPR for long-term success,” Arnab Datta, Employ America’s managing director of policy implementation, told me in a text message last night. “I hope they consider creative options to do so moving forward.”
Meanwhile, oil is actually flowing through the Strait of Hormuz again. “Iran’s regime has lost control of the Strait of Hormuz,” energy investor Alexander Stahel wrote in a lengthy post on X. The U.S. military’s naval escorts and the United Arab Emirates’ commitment to circumventing Iran’s blockade are returning the critical waterway to “normal,” as my colleague Robinson Meyer wrote. Over text message last night, I asked an energy trader if this meant we were winning. “I’d say we’re losing less than we had been,” they said. “If Iran hadn’t gotten the Houthis to attack Saudi Arabia and seize the Red Sea, we’d definitely be.” Big if!
British Prime Minister Andy Burnham emerged triumphant from the Labour Party’s recent political implosions after he established himself as a pragmatic left-wing populist during his time as mayor of Manchester — drawing frequent comparisons to New York City Mayor Zohran Mamdani. Now Burnham is demonstrating what his brand of “business-friend socialism” means in energy. On Tuesday, Downing Street announced the launch of Great British Grid, a new subsidiary of the state-owned Great British Energy, designed to compete with private companies for investments in the power grid. “We have a cost crisis. We all know it,” Burnham said in a speech, according to The Guardian, which broke news of GB Grid. “The price of energy is crippling for businesses, and British bill payers pay some of the highest energy costs in Europe. We have an energy system where prices are dictated in markets miles away, while families and businesses here shoulder the costs. Once again, the British public has lost control.” His answer? Reverse what he called “40 years of neoliberalism.” Over here on this side of the pond, we are waiting to see what’s in the deal the Senate has brokered to ease federal permitting, one of many hurdles to building new transmission lines in America. The text of the agreement is due out later today.
Down in the South Atlantic, things are heating up in the Falkland Islands, even as temperatures outside remain low. The archipelago has never had a native population — as far as anyone can tell, the longest-lasting settled population has been the mostly British herders and fishers who have voted repeatedly to stay under the British crown. That didn’t stop Argentina, which has claimed what it calls Las Malvinas for centuries, from launching an invasion in 1983, in which the British military won a decisive victory. Now that the sleepy Falklands are preparing to drill oil wells in the offshore economic zone surrounding the islands, Buenos Aires is waging what one Falklander described to the Financial Times as “economic warfare.” Instead of Union Jacked Sea Harriers and Argentinian light cruisers doing the combat, this time Argentina is limiting trade, isolating the Falklands. “We’re just a few thousand people trying not to get blown off a rock,” local radio host Ronnie MacLennan Baird told the newspaper. “We just want to get on with our lives.”

Lots of solar developers are promising to compete with nuclear, geothermal, and hydro plants in generating the type of electricity that matches today’s favored buzzwords of “24/7,” “clean,” and “baseload” by pairing panels with batteries. Few companies, for obvious reasons, actually mean generating solar energy all day and night. Virtus Solis Technology, on the other hand, is promising to pioneer a method for delivering solar power generated from panels affixed to satellites in space, capable of angling at every hour to meet the sun’s rays and beaming wireless power back down to Earth. It’s hardly the only developer reaching for solar in space. But the Troy, Michigan-based startup is the first to get someone to agree to buy that electricity. On Wednesday, the company inked its first power purchase agreement to sell electricity from its debut, 100-megawatt solar satellite to the Chicago-based data center developer Brae Systems over the next 20 years. Virtus Solar called it the “first in a series of commercial offtake agreements” expected in the next several months. As part of the deal, Virtus Solar will build a “dedicated terrestrial receiving station to be constructed in Illinois.” The contract includes an option to increase capacity to 250 megawatts within three years of commercial operations. “Securing a direct 20-year supply of firm, clean power from Virtus Solis ensures our GPU infrastructure operates with predictable power costs and zero carbon emissions, completely insulated from terrestrial grid curtailment,” Brae Systems CEO Vishnu Indukuri said in a statement.
Other frontier energy sources have evolved quickly from plans to deals. Commonwealth Fusion Systems, the current frontrunner in America’s fusion startup race, signed its inaugural power purchase agreement with Google last year. Now the spinout from the Massachusetts Institute of Technology is attracting institutional investors, as my colleague Katie Brigham has written, and inching closer to building out its supply chain. On Wednesday morning, the company announced what it called a “landmark supply agreement” with the Japanese industrial giant Fujikura to buy more than 6,200 miles of high-temperature superconducting tape to help build CFS’ doughnut-shaped ARC fusion reactors.
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As of now, the European Union is set to start forcing foreign oil and gas companies to monitor and submit data on their methane emissions or face financial penalties. But Brussels is now considering delaying the methane reporting rules by as much as a year as tight fuel supplies send prices ever higher amid the twin energy shocks from the wars in Iran and Ukraine. On Tuesday, Reuters and OilPrice.com reported that EU Energy Commissioner Dan Jorgensen had confirmed that officials are examining whether to postpone the provisions. The statement came days after Jorgensen made a similar remark to Bloomberg.
Meanwhile, Jorgensen’s native Denmark is heeding the former U.S. Energy Secretary Ernie Moniz’s call to invest more in clean fuels. On Tuesday, Hydrogen Insight reported that the country planned to increase its budget for building a network of dedicated hydrogen pipelines by $850 million.
One of the more memorable moments of the 2024 vice presidential debate came when JD Vance lashed his Democratic rival, Minnesota Governor Tim Walz, for failing to prioritize manufacturing of solar panels in the U.S. The Democrat shot back that such factories were open in his very state. Among them was Heliene, a producer of high-performance solar modules designed for boutique rooftop units. On Tuesday, the company rolled out a new all-American module at a moment when solar buyers are increasingly seeking technology that won’t be subject to President Donald Trump’s tariffs. “The new module brings together American-made polysilicon, ingots, wafers, and solar cells, reconnecting critical stages of the solar supply chain with U.S. manufacturing after more than a decade,” the company said, calling the module “an important step in reshoring U.S. solar manufacturing, bringing more of the upstream silicon supply chain back to America.”
As my colleague Emily Pontecorvo and I reported last month, the Department of Commerce just threw solar manufacturers a lifeline by slapping new import levies and restrictions on foreign polysilicon, the main ingredient in solar panels. But the agency halted enforcement until early December, giving importers the opportunity to stockpile in advance of the new rules taking effect. Last week, the Commerce Department moved to ban stockpiling. “Protecting against stockpiling is critical to ensure a functionally viable remedy from the Section 232 rules,” Matt Card, president of the U.S. cell manufacturer Suniva, told PV Tech.
A quick letter of recommendation to close out this morning’s newsletter. Back in 2018, I received a galley copy of a forthcoming book by a niche left-wing sociologist with a growing focus on climate change. The title — After Geoengineering: Climate Tragedy, Repair, and Restoration — struck me. Geoengineering and its associated technological ideas to adapt to a hotter world, such as carbon dioxide removal, were at that point very taboo in climate policy circles. The technology, assuming it even worked, posed what many saw as a moral hazard, a Pandora’s box that, if opened, would sap humanity’s collective will to do the hard work of mitigating fossil fuel emissions. At least, that was the dominant mode of thinking at the time. So, you can imagine, I found that book title provocative. Over the course of 288 pages, the author, Holly Jean Buck, bounced between dense but readable chapters of nonfiction explanations of the latest science behind various cutting-edge climate technologies and sections of fictional sci-fi vignettes. The stories painted a picture of life in the not-so-distant future. One that has stuck with me over the years is a vision of an Oklahoma rancher earning passive income by letting a state carbon disposal program pump captured CO2 into the geological formations beneath his property. I offer my sincere congratulations to Holly, who yesterday was named among the 20 recipients of this year’s MacArthur Foundation’s prestigious “genius grant.”
Novele is aiming to smooth out power consumption for commercial buildings, saving tenants money and easing grid strain.
Electricity is more expensive in times of peak demand — that’s simply a universal truth. But for many commercial building owners and tenants, their most energy-intensive minutes of the month can have an especially outsized impact on their electricity bill. That’s because of the “demand charge,” a fee based on a building’s single highest burst of power consumption, which can make up over 50% of a customer’s monthly bill. Likewise, shrinking those bursts would not only ease strain on the grid, but could also dramatically lower commercial users’ costs.
Or at least that’s Novele’s pitch. The startup, which makes 2-inch-thick, fire-safe lithium-ion batteries that mount on the interior walls of commercial spaces such as offices, hospitals, and big box retailers, announced Wednesday that it raised an oversubscribed $17 million Series A led by impact-focused investor Boisei Labs. The funding will help the company scale its AI-powered battery system, which networks batteries placed throughout a building and uses software to predict impending spikes in power demand. Just before the peak hits, the system can automatically switch the building from grid power to battery power, helping the customer avoid those costly demand charges.
“We learn how the building consumes power, but we’re also taking into account other considerations, like what day of the week it is, how the building is occupied, when it’s being used, what’s happening with the weather conditions,” Novele’s co-founder and CEO Charles Conwell told me.
Of course, battery storage for commercial customers is nothing new. Tesla, for one, has long sold large batteries like its Megapack, along with software designed to help businesses manage and reduce peak demand. But unlike these larger outdoor systems, Novele designed its thin panels for installation inside occupied spaces like hospital hallways and offices, distributing the batteries throughout a building while operating them as a single, coordinated system.
The systems are custom designed, so Novele told me it couldn’t provide an overall cost estimate. But Conwell told me the batteries typically have a 20- to 40-month payback period, the timeframe in which a customer’s electricity bill savings should eclipse the system’s upfront cost. (The company also offers financing options that allow customers to spread out that cost over time.) And while customers may sign up for the cost savings, there are major decarbonization benefits, too. So-called peak-shaving can reduce the need for peaker plants — natural gas facilities that only fire up when demand is highest. These plants are typically among the grid’s most carbon-intensive assets, as they’re designed to ramp up quickly rather than operate efficiently for long periods.
These automated batteries could also enable commercial buildings to participate in virtual power plant programs, which ease strain on the grid by cutting energy use during periods of high demand or by tapping assets like batteries to send power back to the grid. Using stored energy when needed, Conwell explained, is better than typical demand response initiatives, which often require tenants to change their routines — e.g. when they run the dishwasher or charge an EV — to accommodate the grid. That approach, he said, is either “ineffective or doesn’t make the tenants very happy.”
As the company scales, it also envisions building a portfolio of properties that, if they have “a dense enough footprint,” could work in concert to form their own virtual power plant of sorts, Conwell said.
In the near term, however, Novele plans to use its Series A to expand its team, install more systems, and further develop its software. It’s particularly focused on markets where electricity costs are already high or climbing fast, such as California, New York, New England, and parts of the PJM power market. In PJM in particular, record-high capacity prices — largely driven by data center demand — are pushing electricity bills to new heights.
The company says it has already installed batteries for several Fortune 50 customers, though it’s keeping the identities of these early adopters under wraps. Conwell told me that there’s also “a bunch of installations that are in progress,” and that in the coming year, the company will be working toward making the process of purchasing, installing, and operating Novele’s system as seamless as possible.
Once that foundation is in place, Conwell sees an opportunity to help usher in a more responsive, intelligent future for the built environment. “If you get the infrastructure right, if you bring in the controls — the mechanical controls, the machine learning controls, and the artificial intelligence-driven controls — you start to be able to set the stage for a dynamic, autonomous building of the future.”
The former vice president of the United States joined us at Heatmap House for New York Climate Week.
Former Vice President Al Gore needs no introduction. He is, in a way, the original climate influencer. His film An Inconvenient Truth gave rise to a new wave of climate activism in the 2000s. It was one of the highest-grossing documentaries of all time upon its release, and it won an Oscar, a Grammy, and — for Vice President Gore — a Nobel Peace Prize.
He’s remained active in climate policy since then and leads the Climate Reality Project. He is also an investor and was a longtime director at Apple.
For this episode of Shift Key, Vice President Gore joined Rob for a live conversation at our Heatmap House event, part of New York Climate Week. He reflected on the 20th anniversary of An Inconvenient Truth, the existential risk of artificial intelligence, and what has surprised him most about the evolution of climate politics.
Shift Key is hosted by Robinson Meyer, the founding executive editor of Heatmap News.
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Here is an excerpt from their conversation:
Robinson Meyer: Let’s start by talking about 20 years ago, because 20 years ago, An Inconvenient Truth came out. I recently had cause to revisit the film, and I actually have to confess something. I was very excited when the movie came out, but I don’t think I’ve ever admitted this, and maybe this is the wrong audience to do it to: I was too stressed about climate change to actually watch it. Not that it was a daily anxiety, but I was like, “I can’t. There’s so many other things.” And so I actually watched it for the first time only recently.
I had the book, let’s be clear. I had the book.
Al Gore: A limited confession.
Meyer: Yeah, yeah. It was so fascinating watching it 20 years on, because there are some sections of it that I think you could give today. Not that little has changed — the science hasn’t, of course — but the way people think about it, the way people move from denial to doom, hasn’t changed in some ways. I wondered what surprised you most about the intervening 20 years since the film came out. It received a response that, I don’t know what you were anticipating, but it was certainly on a scale beyond what was expected at the time. And then there’s where we are today.
Gore: Well, when Laurie David first made the suggestion, here in this city, I gave an early version of my slideshow when we were promoting that movie. What was it, The Day After —
Meyer: The Day After Tomorrow?
Gore: The Day After Tomorrow. Was that it? Yeah. And they said, “Well, that’s fiction, isn’t it?” And I said, “Well, it’s not as fictional as the then-current administration was about climate.” But when she said, “This needs to be made into a movie,” I said, “You’re crazy.” As one of the early reviewers said, “Al Gore giving a slideshow — what part of that doesn’t scream hit?” So I was a skeptic about the enterprise, and I was surprised at the reception it got.
Really, the credit belongs to the scientists I was just channeling. The fact that everything they predicted has proven to be basically spot on is a credit to them. For the rest of us, the fact that they were so right then should cause us to pay more attention to what they’re warning us about now.
As for what has surprised me, it’s the ferocity and durability and massive continued financing of climate denial by the fossil fuel industry. There was a time during these last 20 years when they said they were going to be part of the solution, and a couple of them made some good-faith efforts in that direction. But then, like Steve Martin on the old SNL, they went, “Nah.” They decided just to give up the ghost and go full speed ahead on more and more fossil fuels. I think they’re losing as we are winning, but they’re hanging in there.
You can find a full transcript of the episode here.
Mentioned:
Previously on Shift Key: Energy Secretary Chris Wright on Trump’s Pro-Nuclear, Pro-Fossil Fuel Agenda
This episode of Shift Key is sponsored by ...
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Music for Shift Key is by Adam Kromelow.