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On Japan’s atomic ‘Iron Lady,’ Electra’s supercharge, and a mineral deal Down Under

Current conditions: Tropical Storm Melissa is barreling toward Haiti and Jamaica carrying a payload of as much as 16 inches of rain for certain parts of the Caribbean • A coldfront is set to drop temperatures by as much as 15 degrees Fahrenheit over the Great Lakes states • Temperatures in the French overseas territory of Juan de Nova hit nearly 94 degrees Tuesday, the hottest October day in the history of the French Southern Territories.
US Wind told a federal court that it will go bankrupt if President Donald Trump succeeds in revoking its building permits. The Baltimore-based developer testified on the fate of its 2.2-gigawatt Maryland Offshore Wind project in response to a lawsuit brought by the Department of the Interior and the City Council of Ocean City, Maryland. “If the plan is lost, surrendered, forfeited, revoked or otherwise not maintained in full force and effect, US Wind’s investors have the right to declare US Wind to be in default on the repayment of the company’s debt and/or refuse to extend the additional financing needed to complete construction of the project,” the company told the court, according to an update on the energy consultancy TGS’ 4C Offshore news website. “Either of these consequences could result in US Wind’s bankruptcy.”
The Trump administration’s “total war on wind,” as Heatmap’s Jael Holzman described the multi-agency onslaught against offshore projects, has drawn a backlash in recent months. As I reported last month in this newsletter, a federal judge temporarily stayed Trump’s stop-work order on a 80% complete wind farm off Rhode Island’s coast. Even the oil industry has come out to support the wind sector, as I wrote earlier this month, with Shell’s top U.S. executive warning that the precedent the administration had set would harm fossil fuel producers once Democrats return to power. Yet the effects of the administration’s policies are starting to pinch.
Electra announced a series of major deals on Tuesday as the green iron startup unveiled its debut demonstration facility in Boulder, Colorado. Just a month after Microsoft agreed to buy green steel for its data centers from Sweden’s green steelmaker Stegra, Facebook owner Meta agreed to buy environmental attribute credits linked to emissions cut from Electra’s clean iron. The startup also announced three major offtake agreements — the steelmaker Nucor, the European metal trader Edelstahl Group, and Japanese steel-trading giant Toyota Tsusho all signed deals for Electra’s iron. Meanwhile, Electra brought on new financing. Bill Gates’ Breakthrough Energy invested $50 million in grants into the company, while Colorado Governor Jared Polis provided the five-year-old startups with an $8 million tax credit from the state’s clean industrial financing program. And all that is just what the company announced Tuesday. Earlier this year, as Heatmap’s Katie Brigham reported, Electra closed a $186 million Series B round.
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The top U.S. solar trade group, the Solar Energy Industries Association, is looking for a new leader. After eight years in office, Abigail Ross Hopper, the lobby organization’s chief executive, announced her departure Tuesday amid what she called a “challenging” year for the industry in her public exit letter. When she took office in 2017, the solar industry had a total capacity of 36 gigawatts and just over 1 million residential customers. By today, the industry has grown to more than 255 gigawatts and more than 5.5 million residential customers. Despite struggles competing against China, U.S. solar manufacturing capacity vaulted from 14th globally to the world’s third-largest hub of photovoltaic factories. “The growth we’ve experienced over the years is a result of our collective grit and determination,” she wrote in the letter. “We’ve navigated fierce policy battles and market challenges, from trade cases to tax debates, and yet we’ve always emerged stronger. We fought — and won — historic policy battles, at every level of government.” While the Trump administration’s cuts to solar programs have dulled growth forecasts, she said she was “optimistic” about the future. Her last day will be January 30, 2026.

After months of negotiations, the U.S. and Australia signed onto a two-way trade deal on critical minerals worth $8.5 billion. The move comes as China ratchets up export controls on rare earths and other metals over which Beijing dominates global supplies. Australia and Canada, whose economies heavily depend on mining, are widely considered the most dependable sources of minerals for the U.S., a dynamic highlighted last week by the cancellation of an American metal project by the leaders of a coup in Madagascar, as I reported for Heatmap. For Australia, the agreement “is a really significant deal,” Hayley Channer, the director of the economic security program at the United States Studies Centre at the University of Sydney, told The Guardian. “I’m surprised how good it is. The fact that any U.S. money is coming to Australian companies is huge; we really need this money. I don’t think it could have gone any better.”
Japan just elected its first female prime minister, the arch-conservative former minister of economic security Sanae Takaichi. Like Margaret Thatcher, the first woman to serve as British prime minister, Takaichi has been dubbed the Iron Lady due to her hard-line nationalistic views. But uranium may be a better metal for the nickname. Like Thatcher, Takaichi has vowed to restore Japan’s nuclear industry to its former might. Less than half of Japan’s 33 operable nuclear reactors are currently online and generating electricity, a legacy of the mass shutdown that followed the 2011 Fukushima-Daiichi plant. In lieu of atomic energy, Japan — which lacks the land for vast wind and solar installations — has turned instead to costly liquified natural gas imports. To Takaichi, who wants to remilitarize Japan and take a more aggressive stance toward China, this creates a vulnerability. Without domestic gas fields, Japan relies on imports whose routes the Chinese navy could disrupt in a conflict, weaponizing blackouts in much the same way Russia has in Ukraine. Japan’s offshore wind efforts are badly delayed. And Takaichi has warned that Beijing’s grip over global manufacturing of photovoltaic panels makes solar a threat, as well.
Japan isn’t the only country looking to revive its past atomic ambitions. South Africa’s government approved the state-owned utility Eskom’s integrated resource plan last week, which included starting work again on the company’s abandoned pebble-bed modular reactor program. First proposed in 1999, the technology is billed as safer than light water reactors and more versatile, with the potential for use in more heavy industry settings. But South Africa canceled the program in 2010 after spending $980 million developing the reactor. The country currently depends on coal for nearly 60% of its electricity.
Scientists discovered an ancient climate archive in a remote cave in northern Greenland. In a study published in Nature Geoscience, the researchers found calcite deposits that only form when the ground is unfrozen and water flows. The findings cast new light on past warm periods in the Earth’s climate, particularly the Late Miocene, which began about 11 million years ago. “These deposits are like tiny time capsules,” Gina Moseley, a geologist with the University of Innsbruck in Austria and an author of the study, said in a press release. “They show that northern Greenland was once free of permafrost and much wetter than it is today.”
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Deep cuts to the department have left each staffer with a huge amount of money to manage.
The Department of Energy has an enviable problem: It has more money than it can spend.
DOE disbursed just 2% of its total budgetary resources in fiscal year 2025, according to a report released earlier this year from the EFI Foundation, a nonprofit that tracks innovations in energy. That figure is far lower than the 38% of funds it distributed the year prior.
While some of that is due to political whiplash in Washington, there is another, far more mundane cause: There simply aren’t that many people left to oversee the money. Thanks to the Department of Government Efficiency’s efforts, one in five DOE staff members left the agency. On top of that, Energy Secretary Chris Wright shuffled around and combined offices in a Kafkaesque restructuring. Short on workers and clear direction, the department appears unable to churn through its sizable budget.

Though Congress provides budgetary authority, agencies are left to allot spending for the programs under their ambit, and then obligate payments through contracts, grants, and loans. While departments are expected to use the money they’re allocated, federal staff have to work through the gritty details of each individual transaction.
As a result of its reduced headcount, DOE’s employees are each responsible for far more budgetary resources than ever before.
“DOE is facing its largest imbalance in its history,” Alex Kizer, executive vice president of EFI Foundation, told me. In fiscal year 2017, DOE budgeted around $4.7 million per full-time employee. In the fiscal year 2026 budget request, that figure reached $35.7 million per worker — about eight times more.
Part of that increase is the result of the unprecedented injection of funding into DOE from the 2021 Infrastructure Investment and Jobs Act and the 2022 Inflation Reduction Act. The pair of laws, which gave DOE access to $97 billion, comprised the United States’ largest investment to combat climate change in the nation’s history.
The epoch of federally backed renewable energy investment proved to be short-lived, however. Once President Trump retook office last year, his administration froze funds and initiated a purge of federal workers that resulted in 3,000 staffers (about one in five) leaving DOE through the Deferred Resignation Program. The administration canceled hundreds of projects, evaporating $23 billion in federal support.
While the One Big Beautiful Bill Act passed last summer depleted some of the IRA’s coffers and sunsetted many tax credits years early, it only rescinded about $1.8 billion from DOE, according to the EFI Foundation. Much of the IRA’s spending had already gone out the door or was left intact.
This leaves DOE in a strange position: Its budget is historically high, but its staffing levels have suffered an unprecedented drop.

Even before the short-lived Elon Musk-run agency took a chainsaw to the federal workforce, DOE struggled to hire enough people to keep up with the pace of funding demanded by the IRA’s funding deadlines. The Loan Programs Office, for example, was criticized for moving too slowly in shelling out its hundreds of billions in loan authority. According to a report from three ex-DOE staffers that Heatmap’s Emily Pontecorvo covered, the IRA’s implementation suffered from a lack of “highly skilled, highly talented staff” to carry out its many programs.
“The last year’s uncertainty and the staff cuts, the project cancellations, those increase an already tightening bottleneck of difficulty with implementation at the department,” Sarah Frances Smith, EFI Foundation’s deputy director, told me.
One former longtime Department of Energy staffer who asked not to be named because they may want to return one day told me that as soon as Trump’s second term started, funding disbursement slowed to a halt. Employees had to get permission from leadership just to pay invoices for projects that had already been granted funding, the ex-DOE worker said.
While the Trump administration quickly moved to hamstring renewable energy resources, staff were kept busy complying with executive orders such as removing any mention of diversity equity and inclusion from government websites and responding to automated “What did you do last week?” emails.
On top of government funding drying up, Kizer told me that the confusion surrounding DOE has had a “cooling effect on the private sector’s appetite to do business with DOE,” though the size of that effect is “hard to quantify.”
Under President Biden, DOE put a lot of effort into building trust with companies doing work critical to its renewable energy priorities. Now, states and companies alike are suing DOE to restore revoked funds. In a recent report, the Government Accountability Office warned, “Private companies, which are often funding more than 50 percent of these projects, may reconsider future partnerships with the federal government.”
Clean energy firms aren’t the only ones upset by DOE’s about-face. Even the Republican-controlled Congress balked at President Trump’s proposed deep cuts to DOE’s budget in its latest round of budget negotiations. Appropriations for fiscal year 2026 will be just slightly lower than the year before — though without additional headcount to manage it, the same difficulties getting money out the door will remain.
The widespread staff exit also appears to have slowed work supporting the administration’s new priorities, namely coal and critical minerals. LPO, which was rebranded the “Office of Energy Dominance Financing,” has announced only a few new loans since President Biden left office. Southern Company, which received the Office’s largest-ever loan, was previously backed by a loan to its subsidiary Georgia Power under the first Trump administration.
Despite Trump’s frequent invocation of the importance of coal, DOE hasn’t accomplished much for the technology besides some funding to keep open a handful of struggling coal plants and a loan to restart a coal gasification plant for fertilizer production that was already in LPO’s pipeline under Biden.
Even if DOE wanted to become an oil and gas-enabling juggernaut, it may not have the labor force it needs to carry out a carbon-heavy energy mandate.
“When you cut as many people as they did, you have to figure out who’s going to do the stuff that those people were doing,” said the ex-DOE staffer. “And now they’re going to move and going, Oh crap, we fired that guy.”
Will moving fast and breaking air permits exacerbate tensions with locals?
The Trump administration is trying to ease data centers’ power permitting burden. It’s likely to speed things up. Whether it’ll kick up more dust for the industry is literally up in the air.
On Tuesday, the EPA proposed a rule change that would let developers of all stripes start certain kinds of construction before getting a historically necessary permit under the Clean Air Act. Right now this document known as a New Source Review has long been required before you can start building anything that will release significant levels of air pollutants – from factories to natural gas plants. If EPA finalizes this rule, it will mean companies can do lots of work before the actual emitting object (say, a gas turbine) is installed, down to pouring concrete for cement pads.
The EPA’s rule change itself doesn’t mention AI data centers. However, the impetus was apparent in press materials as the agency cited President Trump’s executive order to cut red tape around the sector. Industry attorneys and environmental litigants alike told me this change will do just that, cutting months to years from project construction timelines, and put pressure on state regulators to issue air permits by allowing serious construction to start that officials are usually reluctant to disrupt.
“I think the intended result is also what will happen. Developers will be able to move more quickly, without additional delay,” said Jeff Holmstead, a D.C.-based attorney with Bracewell who served as EPA assistant administrator for air and radiation under George H.W. Bush. “It will almost certainly save some time for permitting and construction of new infrastructure.”
Air permitting is often a snag that will hold up a major construction project. Doubly so for gas-powered generation. Before this proposal, the EPA historically was wary to let companies invest in what any layperson would consider actual construction work. The race for more AI infrastructure has changed the game, supercharging what was already an active debate over energy needs and our nation’s decades-old environmental laws.
Many environmental groups condemned the proposal upon its release, stating it would make gas-powered AI data centers more popular and diminish risks currently in place for using dirtier forms of electricity. Normally, they argue, this permitting process would give state and federal officials an early opportunity to gauge whether pollution control measures make sense and if a developer’s preferred design would unduly harm the surrounding community. This could include encouraging developers to consider alternate energy sources.
“Inevitably agencies have flexibility as to how much they ask, and what this allows them to do is pre-commit in ways that’ll force agencies to take stuff off the table. What’s taken off the table, it’s hard to know, but you’re constraining options to respond to public concerns or recognize air quality impacts,” said Sanjay Narayan, Sierra Club’s chief appellate counsel.
Herein lies the dilemma: will regulatory speed for power sacrifice opportunities for input that could quell local concerns?
We’re seeing this dilemma play out in real time with Project Matador, a large data center proposal being developed in Amarillo, Texas, by the Rick Perry-backed startup Fermi Americas. Project Matador is purportedly going to be massive and Fermi claims its supposed to one day reach 11 GW, which would make it one of the biggest data centers in the world.
Fermi’s plans have focused on relying on nuclear power in the future. But the only place they’ve made real progress so far in getting permits is gas generation. In February, the Texas Commission on Environmental Quality gave Fermi its air permit for building and operating up to 6 gigawatts of gas power at Project Matador. At that time, Fermi was also rooting for relaxed New Source Review standards, applauding EPA in comments to media for signaling it would take this step. The company’s former CEO Toby Neugebauer also told investors on their first earnings call that Trump officials personally intervened to help get them gas turbines from overseas. (There’s scant public evidence to date of this claim and Neugebauer was fired by Fermi’s board last month.)
But now Fermi’s permit is also being threatened in court. In April, a citizens group Panhandle Taxpayers for Transparency filed a lawsuit against TCEQ challenging the validity of the permit. The case centers around whether the commission was right to deny a request for a contested case hearing brought by members of the group who lived and worked close to Project Matador. “Once these decisions are made, they don’t get reversed,” Michael Ford, Panhandle Taxpayers for Transparency’s founder, said in a fundraising video.
This is also a financial David vs. Goliath, as Ford admits in the fundraising video they have less than $2,000 to spend on the case – a paltry sum they admit barely covers legal bills. We’re also talking about a state that culturally and legally sides often with developers and fossil fuel firms.
At the same time, this lawsuit couldn’t come at a more difficult time as Fermi is struggling with other larger problems (see: Neugebauer’s ouster). Eric Allman, one of the attorneys representing Panhandle Taxpayers for Transparency, told me they’re still waiting on a judge assignment and estimated it’ll take about one year to get a ruling. Allman told me legally Fermi can continue construction during the legal challenge but there are real risks. “Applicants on many occasions will pause activity while there is an appeal pending,” he told me, “because if the suit is successful, they won’t have an authorization.”
Aerial photos reported by independent journalist Michael Thomas purportedly show Fermi hasn’t done significant construction since obtaining its air permit. Fermi did not respond to multiple requests for comment on the lawsuit.
Industry attorneys I spoke to who wished to remain anonymous told me it was too early to say whether EPA’s rulemaking would exacerbate local conflicts by making things move faster. “A lot of times the environmental community likes to litigate things in the hope delays will kill a project, so in that regard, this strategy may be harder for them to implement now,” one lawyer told me. “But just because a plant gets a permit doesn’t mean they can build.”
Environmental lawyers, meanwhile, clearly see more potential for social friction in a faster process. Keri Powell of the Southern Environmental Law Center compared this EPA action to xAI’s rapid buildout in Tennessee and Mississippi where the Al company’s construction of gas turbines before it received its permits has only added to local controversy. This new rule would not make what xAI did permissible; this is a different matter. Yet there are thematic similarities between what the company is doing and the new permitting regime, with natural gas generation expanding faster when companies are allowed to start forms of site work before an air permit is issued.
“By the time a permit is issued, the company will be very, very far along in constructing a facility. All they’ll need to do is bring in the emitting unit, and oftentimes that doesn’t entail very much,” she said. “Imagine you’re a state or local permitting agency – your ability to choose something different than what the company already decided to do is going to be limited.”
And more of the week’s top fights around development.
1. Berkeley County, South Carolina – Forget about Richland County, Ohio. All eyes in Solar World should be on this county where officials are trying to lift a solar moratorium.
2. Hill County, Texas – We have our first Texas county trying to ban new data centers and it’s in one of the more conservative pockets of the state.
3. Sussex County, New Jersey – A town in north Jersey rapidly changed course from backing a new data center to outright banning all projects.
4. Porter County, Indiana – The Chicago ex-urb of Valparaiso is significantly restricting data centers too, after pulling the plug on a large project under development.
5. King County, Washington – It’s Snoqualmie vs. the energy sector right now, as the new poster child for battery backlash bans BESS in its borders.