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Workers at EmPower Solar joined the United Auto Workers. Then management furloughed nearly half of them.
President Biden’s pitch to get the American public behind the transition to clean energy is that it will bring good-paying, high-quality jobs — union jobs. But so far, that’s been more true in some areas than others.
When Daniel Lozano first got hired at EmPower Solar, a rooftop solar installation company on Long Island last April, he thought he had landed a pretty sweet gig. He was 24, with a background in electrical work and construction, and was attracted by the company’s summer schedule of four tens — four-day work weeks, ten hours per day.
But soon it became clear the job wasn’t as ideal as it seemed. Extreme pressure from management to finish installations as quickly as possible was wearing people down. Workers felt overworked and underpaid. An opaque bonus system and frequent firing and hiring created an atmosphere of anxiety. Vacation requests took months to approve. Lozano grew especially frustrated that his manager kept delaying his scheduled performance review — and therefore his prospects for a raise.
All the while, Lozano watched as the UPS Teamsters and the United Auto Workers were waging historic campaigns to try to increase pay for their workers. Inspired by their success, he began trying to organize at EmPower.
“We don't want to be treated like dogs that are just pushed and pushed and pushed and then let go like used rags,” he told me. “We can make this a good place to work.”
The number of solar workers represented by a union has been creeping up over the last decade, reaching about 10.5% of the workforce in 2022, according to the most recent National Solar Jobs Census. By comparison, about 16% of autoworkers and about 48% of electric power line workers were members of a union that year, according to the Union Membership and Coverage Database, which is built on federal data.
But most union clean energy work is on big commercial projects like utility-scale solar farms, where developers have to pay prevailing wages, use apprentices, or enter into project labor agreements in order to qualify for state and federal subsidies. Union representation is much more unusual in residential work like rooftop solar, where rebates and tax credits typically have no labor requirements.
Residential construction is a fragmented industry, with lots of small businesses that employ only a handful of people. In some ways, EmPower stands out in this field. The company has a staff of more than 100 and offers full benefits like paid time off, health insurance, and a 401k retirement plan. But many of the complaints workers had about EmPower are common in the industry. A 2020 report by the California Workforce Development Board, for example, says that rooftop solar and energy efficiency jobs there “are characterized by low wages” and “lack of career ladders.”
The primary union for solar workers to date has been the International Brotherhood of Electrical Workers. But Lozano thought the group seemed stagnant — its leadership wasn’t out there the way that Shawn Fain, the progressive UAW president, was, fighting for its workers in the national spotlight, Lozano said. So instead, in September, he went to see if his local UAW chapter would represent EmPower workers. They agreed. Next, Lozano began gathering support from his coworkers and soon had enough to schedule an official vote with the National Labor Relations Board.
The company’s leadership did not welcome the organizing effort. In the weeks leading up to the vote, EmPower hired National Labor Relations Advocates, a strategy firm that promises, “within 24 hours of being retained,” to “arm you with the tools you need and bring our experience and 96% success rate in keeping our clients union-free.” According to Lozano and other workers, management began visiting job sites with coffee and donuts and asking about their concerns. They said the company was a family, and that any issues they had would be resolved more slowly with a union, not faster.
The workers weren’t convinced. On December 22, EmPower’s installers and service technicians voted 29 to 16 in favor of unionizing.
One week later, on the Friday before the new year, the company notified 21 workers — including Lozano — that they were being put on unpaid leave, some for more than a year. Michael DiGiuseppe, the vice president of UAW Local 259, accused the company of illegally retaliating against the unionization effort and filed charges with the National Labor Relations Board.
“One week out, we wanted to find collaborative bargaining priorities, and instead of doing that, they went out and laid off 21 guys,” DiGiuseppe told me.
EmPower said it furloughed the workers because business typically slows down in the winter, and the company took a particularly hard hit in 2023 due to soaring interest rates and inflation. (It is continuing to provide health insurance for those who were furloughed.) But regardless of whether the layoffs were retaliatory, they still violated the National Labor Relations Act, according to DiGiuseppe. Once workers have voted to unionize, an employer is not allowed to make any changes to the covered workers’ terms or conditions without notifying and negotiating with the union, even if the changes are pure business decisions. “At a minimum, they should have communicated with us that they were laying off workers,” DiGiuseppe said.
I spoke with three other field workers from EmPower, in addition to Lozano, who had been with the company for several years, and had also been furloughed. When I asked why they wanted to unionize, the workers, who requested not to be named, echoed many of Lozano’s grievances. They described an atmosphere of pressure to work fast, even in riskier situations, such as when they were installing panels on steeply pitched roofs or working with electrical equipment in the rain. They didn’t like that they were blamed, yelled at, and sometimes docked pay when things broke or went wrong. Many of their complaints were around compensation, including not being paid for travel time or for taking on additional responsibilities. One of the workers, like Lozano, was frustrated by performance review delays that left no clear pathway to a raise. Another described how the company awarded bonuses to workers based on their speed and adherence to safety protocols, but said the scoring system was mysterious and seemed to be inconsistent from job to job.
In general, the workers told me, they liked their jobs at EmPower and wanted to stay there, but were seeking more transparency, accountability, and standardization.
David Schieren, the CEO of EmPower and chairman of the New York State Solar Energy Industry Association, rejected the workers’ characterization of the company. When I asked about the pressure to work quickly, Schieren said this was the nature of running a customer-centric business. “We have one boss,” he told me. “The boss is the consumer. They tell us, do we want to work with this company or not? Are they happy or are they not?”
If workers were uncomfortable with the pace, Schieren went on, then maybe this wasn’t the right job for them. “We are hungry, we do efficient work, we’re productive,” he said. “So that’s what I think we promote here at EmPower. I think that a lot of employees feel that they thrive in that environment. Is everybody right for a highly productive company? I don't know, maybe some people don't want that.”
Schieren said the company had a track record of upward mobility, including promoting 20 field team members to leadership in recent years, and that workers had an average tenure with the company of more than 5 years. He declined to weigh in on whether he supported having a union at his company. When I asked whether he thought unionization threatened the business, he said no.
There is research showing that paying solar workers prevailing wages does not significantly increase the cost of solar. But there’s another calculus to consider in all of this, beyond the economics of any one company or technology. Proponents of unionization — including those in the federal government — say that making sure clean energy jobs are good jobs is essential to building the political will to address the climate crisis.
As we enter the next stage of the transition, where climate solutions like electric vehicles and wind turbines are becoming increasingly politicized and one bad power outage can invite endless litigation over the reliability of renewables, clean energy companies may want workers on their side.
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Here’s one federal climate program that’s still working — for now.
The first two weeks of the Trump administration have been chaotic for the clean energy industry, to say the least. Offshore wind permitting is on hold and state governments are canceling plans to sign new contracts. Trump’s federal funding freeze was on, then off-but-actually-still-on, and then technically off again. Despite a court injunction on the pause, many grant recipients still seem to be locked out of their funding portals.
But one climate initiative that’s also one of the president’s biggest bugbears has escaped his meddling thus far: The federal tax credit for electric vehicles is still functioning normally.
Former President Joe Biden’s Inflation Reduction Act created a tax credit of up to $7,500 for new electric vehicles and $4,000 for used vehicles. As of January of this year, about 16 EV and plug-in hybrid models were eligible for the new vehicle credit, which is limited to models that are assembled in North America and meet certain battery sourcing requirements. A loophole in the rules also allows dealers to apply the tax credit to any electric vehicle lease, meaning dealers can offer lessees a discount on a much wider range of options.
Trump attacked the subsidy on the campaign trail, and his transition team was reportedly planning to kill it. One of his first executive orders took aim at a number of electric vehicle-related programs, ordering the Environmental Protection Agency to revoke waivers that allow California and other states to pass stronger emissions standards for vehicles than the federal government’s. His funding review and freeze specifically called out the National Electric Vehicle Infrastructure Formula Program, a $5 billion program to fund EV charging infrastructure. But even though EV charger grantees couldn’t access their funding, car dealerships around the country did not have any trouble getting into the Internal Revenue Service’s portal to log their electric vehicle sales and file for reimbursement for the tax credit.
When someone purchases an eligible electric vehicle, the buyer can either claim the tax credit on their own tax return or they can “transfer” it to their dealership, allowing the dealer to take the credit amount off the sale price. Dealers can then file for a direct reimbursement from the Internal Revenue Service.
I reached out to the National Automobile Dealers Association, which represents new car dealers, to ask if they had heard from any of their members about issues with the advanced payment program for the EV tax credit. “We checked into this earlier in the week, both on the dealer end and with Treasury,” Jared Allen, the vice president for public affairs told me on Friday. “Nothing has changed with the availability of advanced payments to dealers for EV tax credits.”
The president does not have the authority to end the EV tax credit program on his own — changes would have to come through Congress. Before Trump’s inauguration, Republicans on the House Budget Committee circulated a long list of potential cost-cutting measures that included eliminating many Inflation Reduction Act programs. One menu item recommended cutting all clean energy tax credits, but a separate proposal explicitly suggested keeping the EV tax credit and closing the leasing loophole. The Committee is aiming to present a first draft of a budget reconciliation bill by the end of this week, according to E&E News, at which point we’ll see what made the cut.
Rob and Jesse talk with former Ford economist Ellen Hughes-Cromwick.
Over the past 30 years, the U.S. automaking industry has transformed how it builds cars and trucks, constructing a continent-sized network of factories, machine shops, and warehouses that some call “Factory North America.” President Trump’s threatened tariffs on Canadian and Mexican imports will disrupt and transform those supply chains. What will that mean for the automaking industry and the transition to EVs?
Ellen Hughes-Cromwick is the former chief economist at Ford Motor Company, where she worked from 1996 to 2014, as well as the former chief economist at the U.S. Department of Commerce. She is now a senior visiting fellow at Third Way and a senior advisor at MacroPolicy Perspective LLC.
On this week’s episode of Shift Key, Rob and Jesse chat with Ellen about how automakers build cars today, why this system isn’t built for trade barriers, and whether Trump’s tariffs could counterintuitively help electric vehicles. Shift Key is hosted by Jesse Jenkins, a professor of energy systems engineering at Princeton University, and Robinson Meyer, Heatmap’s executive editor.
Subscribe to “Shift Key” and find this episode on Apple Podcasts, Spotify, Amazon, or wherever you get your podcasts.
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Here is an excerpt from our conversation:
Jesse Jenkins: I hear often that we’re also sending parts back and forth as well — that particularly near the border with Canada, we have manufacturing parts suppliers on both sides of the border. So it’s not just the final car, it’s also pieces of the car going back and forth. How does stuff move around in this sort of complicated trade network between, Canada, the U.S., and Mexico?
Ellen Hughes-Cromwick: There is a lot of back and forth, and as you mentioned, a lot of the automotive analysts track the travel of not just the vehicles, but the parts. And the latest estimates show that in some cases, we’re going back and forth across the Ambassador Bridge here in Detroit, you know, six, eight times.
So when you say all of a sudden, as of tomorrow, I’m going to put a 25% tariff on that — I mean, that basically shutters businesses. You can’t absorb a 25% hit, especially if it’s a part or an assembled vehicle. Part of that 25% you could probably absorb, but for the thin margins that parts suppliers work for day in and day out, I mean, there’s just no way. You’re better off shuttering your business. I hate to say that, but you know, you just can’t make the equation work, with a 25% hit.
Jenkins: So this is hypothetical structure, I don’t know if this is exactly right, but so you might have engine parts manufactured in Michigan being sent to Windsor, Ontario to assemble an internal combustion engine. And then it goes back to a plant somewhere else in the U.S. to be assembled into a vehicle. Maybe you get the glass from somewhere for the windows, you know, these are all moving back and forth on a regular basis after so many years of free trade agreements between the two countries, or the three.
Hughes-Cromwick: That’s right. That’s right. And again, coming back to Michigan, because we’re so close to the suppliers in Canada, and we have the lion’s share of automotive suppliers, especially small and mid-size suppliers — so the tier two, tier three. They’re supplying to a tier one big supplier like Magna or Borg.
So you’ve got a lot of these tier two, tier three suppliers in Michigan. Well, why? Because they’re getting a part from a Canadian supplier, putting it into theirs. And maybe that’s a component that goes into an internal combustion engine that’s being produced.
This episode of Shift Key is sponsored by …
Download Heatmap Labs and Hydrostor’s free report to discover the crucial role of long duration energy storage in ensuring a reliable, clean future and stable grid. Learn more about Hydrostor here.
Music for Shift Key is by Adam Kromelow.
For now at least, USAID’s future looks — literally — dark.
Elon Musk has put the U.S. Agency for International Development through the woodchipper of his de facto department this week in the name of “efficiency.” The move — which began with a Day One executive order by President Trump demanding a review of all U.S. foreign aid that was subsequently handed off to Musk’s Department of Government Efficiency — has resulted in the layoff or furloughing of hundreds of USAID employees, as well as imperiled the health of babies and toddlers receiving medical care in Sudan, the operations of independent media outlets working in or near despotic regimes, and longtime AIDS and malaria prevention campaigns credited with saving some 35 million lives. (The State Department, which has assumed control of the formerly independent agency, has since announced a “confounding waiver process … [to] get lifesaving programs back online,” ProPublica reports.) Chaos and panic reign among USAID employees and the agency’s partner organizations around the globe.
The alarming shifts have also cast enormous uncertainty over the future of USAID’s many clean energy programs, threatening to leave U.S. allies quite literally in the dark. “There are other sources of foreign assistance — the State Department and the Defense Department have different programs — but USAID, this is what they do,” Tom Ellison, the deputy director for the Center for Climate and Security, a nonpartisan think tank, told me. “It is central and not easily replaced.”
In addition to “saving and improving lives around the world in an altruistic sense,” USAID has “a lot of benefits for U.S. national interests and national security,” Ellison went on. Though USAID dates back to the Cold War, its Power Africa initiative launched under President Barack Obama in 2013, and energy investment projects around the world followed. Of its $42.8 billion budget request for 2025, the agency had earmarked $4.1 billion for global infrastructure and investment programs, including energy security and excluding its additional targeted energy investment in Ukraine.
Some of these benefits are immediate and obvious. For example, USAID invested $422 million in new energy infrastructure in Ukraine, including more than a thousand generators and a solar and battery storage project, all to brace against Russia’s weaponized flow of fossil fuels. (USAID was also reviewing the deployment of Musk’s Starlink Satellite Terminals to the Ukrainian government prior to his gutting of the agency, per The Lever.)
But USAID is in the power business for other strategic reasons, too. USAID initiatives such as assisting Georgia and Kosovo in running their first renewable energy auctions help to secure energy stability and independence among countries where Russia is trying to gain sway. By the same token, rural electrification efforts in Africa help the U.S. remain a leader on the continent even as China is looking to make inroads. “China’s infrastructure and assistance programs around the world, like the Belt and Road Initiative — they consider that very explicitly a lever to peel U.S. allies away,” Ellison said. “Russian propagandists are already cheering the potential shutdown of USAID or a cut to their programs, for those reasons.”
Likewise, USAID has also rolled out energy projects in Indonesia, helping to deploy rooftop solar plants at airports and investing $200 million into a geothermal plant and two hydropower plants. Such efforts in the Indo-Pacific “pay dividends in strengthening relationships with allies and partners critical to that competition with China,” the Council on Strategic Risks, the parent institute of the Center for Climate and Security, wrote in a memo Tuesday.
That’s part of what makes the USAID whiplash so severe. Not only is the concern and uncertainty of the agency’s shutdown in complete opposition to the administration’s purported goal of “efficiency,” but Trump’s knee-jerk reaction to anything that suggests the idea of a U.S. handout — much less one that includes programs explicitly addressing “climate change” — runs counter to his stated goals of protecting U.S. troops and national security interests. USAID programs “are very cost-effective investments in terms of being a cent or less on the U.S. taxpayer dollars,” Ellison told me. “They’re paying for themselves over and over again in terms of humanitarian or military spending averted in the future.”