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As always, it’s the lawyers who are the real winners.

Things are never simple when it comes to tariffs. While the Supreme Court’s decision on Friday finding that the International Emergency Economic Powers Act, better known as IEEPA, did not authorize Donald Trump’s “fentanyl” tariffs on Canada, China, and Mexico, and “reciprocal” tariffs on the rest of the world was unambiguous, tariff policy is still complex and evolving.
Already Trump has said he would use a separate authority to impose a 10% global tariff that can extend as long as 150 days. The administration is also pursuing a number of investigations that will likely result in new tariffs under more well-established authorities.
And none of this changes the fact that the clean energy industry has been tangling with tariffs for years and will continue to do so after today. While companies will likely experience some relief, it may or may not make a material difference.
Here are just some of the factors in play:
One thing today’s court ruling did not clarify is how companies should go about recovering the funds they’ve already paid toward these tariffs — which, if the tariffs were illegal all along, is money they’re now owed.
The confusion goes deeper than the mere mechanism, however, because while developers may be feeling the impact from tariffs in terms of higher prices from their suppliers — for, say, solar modules — it’s the suppliers they’ve contracted with who are likely entitled to refunds.
“The existing tariffs that are in place as of the date of that contract signing are built into the contract price. And then there’s a provision in there that if new tariffs are introduced, the supplier is entitled to readjust,” Stefan Reisinger, a partner at the law firm Norton Rose Fulbright, told me.
While contracts often have provisions for what to do when a new tariff comes in, they don’t tend to have provisions for tariffs being refunded.
“The agreements don’t have provisions in them that actually deal with the prospect of tariffs being ruled invalid with the supplier getting a refund, so they’re technically not obligated under the contract to flow those refunds down,” Reisinger said.
“I had some preliminary discussions today with suppliers that are in that position, and for business reasons, they’ll likely pass along some portion of the refund,” he added. “There’s going to be countless disputes over who gets the refund and how much.”
The clean energy supply chain is global. Especially for the backbone of the energy transition — solar and storage — China dominates. For some components, like wafers, China has a near monopoly on production. Over 90% of the market for solar cells comes from China. The U.S. lacked even the capacity to produce all components of a solar system domestically until late last year.
Trade restrictions on solar go far beyond the baseline tariffs and the China-specific tariffs addressed in today’s Supreme Court decision, however. There are China-specific restrictions and other tariffs imposed on companies that tried to evade them by setting up manufacturing abroad. The Trump administration is investigating polysilicon, a first step to imposing tariffs. The Biden administration extended and increased tariffs on Chinese solar cells and modules that had been first imposed in 2018. Meanwhile, another set of solar tariffs expired earlier this month.
Still, “I think the biggest impact of the ruling will be for solar and batteries, because they face some of the largest tariffs, and so we’ll see the biggest cost reductions,” Oliver Kerr, North America managing director at Aurora Energy Research, told me. Some manufacturers have already made refund requests — though again, who knows how that will play out.
Solar investors responded with cautious optimism to the court’s tariff ruling. Shares in Canadian Solar, a solar manufacturing company that has been whipped around by tariffs, shot up after the decision was released.
Other solar manufacturers have a more ambiguous relationship to tariffs. First Solar, the leading U.S. solar manufacturer, took a hit following the initial “liberation day” tariffs, as they affected the company’s operations in Vietnam, India, and Malaysia. In regulatory filings with the Securities and Exchange Commission, First Solar has said that, “as it pertains to the countries where we manufacture solar modules, reciprocal tariff rates apply to Vietnam (20%), India (25%), and Malaysia (19%),” and so “as a result, our operating results have and may continue to be adversely impacted by these tariffs.” (Since “liberation day,” the Trump administration has reached trade deals with Vietnam and India.)
When it comes to the tariffs on China, though, First Solar has a clear point of view: They’re good. “Our operating results could be adversely impacted if the IEEPA tariffs on China were to be terminated or reduced,” the company has said in its regulatory filings.
A similar story applies to batteries. China dominates the supply chains for the minerals used in batteries, including cobalt, lithium, and graphite, particularly in the refining stage. Much of the anode graphite material manufacturing sector simply moved to Indonesia in response to the tariffs on China, according to battery analyst Henry Sanderson.
At the same time, battery manufacturers and developers of battery energy storage systems will want to comply with foreign entities of concern rules, which restrict the use of Chinese material and Chinese companies’ involvement in the supply chain for technologies that receive tax credits.
“For storage in particular, they will have the foreign entity of concern, so they will still have to source a meaningful proportion of the content domestically,” Kerr told me. “That matters a little more for batteries because batteries still have access to tax credits through the early 2030s and those tax credits are pretty valuable.”
Another wrinkle: Unrelated to the Trump “reciprocal” tariffs, the Department of Commerce last week finalized punishingly high tariff rates on Chinese active anode material as part of an antidumping investigation.
Many emerging technologies are likely to benefit from tariffs being lifted.
“Anything that relies on industrial inputs, I think there’s a big impact here,” David Yellen, director of climate policy innovation at the Clean Air Task Force, told me.
While protection can work for some industries like steel and aluminum, it doesn’t help much for anyone — including manufacturers — who have to use inputs.
“The blanket policy was that putting tariffs on downstream products and inputs doesn’t actually really protect your domestic industry. It raises prices across the board,” he said, pointing to advanced nuclear and geothermal as high tech industrial processes that have a global supply chain. Drill bits, sensors, and power electronics may all see some price relief.
“To the extent that removing some of these blanket tariffs in the aggregate allows the input prices to go down,” Yellen told me, “I think it may benefit a lot of the capital intensive technologies.”
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The data center boom is everywhere you look in U.S. economic and emissions data.
This is an edition of Heatmap Daily, an evening review of the day’s news written by our executive editor. Sign up for it here.
It isn’t exactly a new thought, but I’ve been struck recently by how many trends in America’s economic and environmental data are fundamentally about the data center boom and the return of electricity demand:
First, the Energy Information Administration reported this week that U.S. emissions grew by more than 2% last year, driven by surging electricity demand and an increase in coal-fired generation. What caused that higher power demand? New factories and data centers — as well as record summertime cooling demand.
Second, many of the new factories driving that higher power demand are themselves producing goods that are … let’s say … data center-adjacent. There are the enormous new semiconductor fabs, of course. But Ford and General Motors have also set up new production lines (or repurposed old ones) to manufacture grid-scale batteries to meet power demand.
Third, take a look at the recent U.S. spending on private non-residential construction — in other words, everything American companies are building that is not houses, condos, or apartments.
The construction industry’s spent almost $60 billion on data centers over the past year, which is more than it spent on all other office buildings combined (and more than it spent building warehouses, too). Just a handful of categories — data centers, power plants, electricity infrastructure, and certain kinds of electronics manufacturing — now make up a third of all U.S. private non-residential construction investment. They’ve never made up such a large share of construction spending since data collection began in 2014.
As The New York Times recently noted, the American economy is unusually dependent on the American stock market right now — and the stock market is unusually dependent on artificial intelligence. This week, investors started to balk at the enormous spending hyperscalers are planning to keep building out the AI boom; Alphabet’s shares dropped 8% this week after it boosted its planned 2026 capital expenditure and signaled 2027 will be even bigger. If the data center boom started to slow down in earnest, then more than just that budget will change.
Speaking of which, my colleague Emily Pontecorvo wrote earlier this week about how many businesses are struggling to even estimate their carbon emissions from artificial intelligence. The carbon accounting startup Watershed recently unveiled a new formula to help companies get a sense of their AI-related emissions.
But even that formula is still limited by the amount of data hyperscalers publish — and they don’t publish that much. Google, for instance, is the only AI company that has (laudably) provided estimates of its emissions on a per-prompt basis. Yet no company has published its per-token emissions, or how emissions sync up with particular models or regions.
So Emily asked Google: Why aren’t you — or any other model provider — disclosing this kind of data yet?
The tech company didn’t get back to us until after we’d published Emily’s story. But its response was interesting enough that I wanted to quote some of it here.
The problem is “industry consensus,” Cooper Elsworth, a Google spokesperson, told us. “There is currently very little consensus on how to comprehensively and fairly measure the serving environmental impact of generative AI (such as text generation),” he wrote. “Without standardized, ‘apples-to-apples’ frameworks, it is difficult to compare different providers accurately.”
That’s partly because energy use — and emissions data — can vary from site to site and depend on “custom-built hardware, software compilers, and advanced inference techniques.” And he claimed Google doesn’t always have the measurement hardware in place to provide such specific estimates: “Providing precise, repeatable data requires highly advanced measurement infrastructure,” he said. “For example, software-based energy monitoring tools often suffer from sampling biases. For our study, we had to step away from top-down averages and directly measure actual energy at the physical power supply unit (PSU) level across our deployed fleet. Not all providers have the telemetry or data sets required to benchmark their operations at this level of granularity.”
Read Emily’s story to understand the other reasons why estimating — or even “guesstimating” — AI-related carbon emissions is so challenging.
A conversation with Emma Uridge of the Kansas Health Institute.
This week’s conversation is with Emma Uridge, analyst with the Kansas Health Institute. Uridge spent copious hours analyzing state and local laws on data center development to best understand how policymakers are responding to the potential environmental public health impacts of large AI infrastructure, including power and water. The report, which came out this week, also goes in depth into those health impacts. I reached out to her to discuss what she sees as must-watch territory for our readers on this emerging policy arena.
Our conversation was lightly edited for clarity.
What is actually being done on policy when it comes to data centers — beyond moratoria of course?
So first I’d like to just talk about the point of moratoria. It’s helpful to talk about how these policies emerge in the first place. One area where moratoria are helpful is when a data center is proposed but the county has no approach for how they’d like to potentially regulate them. That’s temporary, most of the time. It lets local governments conduct research on the various impacts and also negotiate community benefits, ones that can mitigate any potential negative impacts — like Lancaster Pennsylvania, which instituted a community benefit agreement that maximized the potential benefits of development while mitigating what large data centers can do. That agreement looked at capping municipal water use at 20,000 gallons per day and requiring 100% clean energy. It had financial penalties for non-compliance. The company also committed $20 million to their local economic development and clean energy fund. There are ways to negotiate with developers.
We also see amendments to existing zoning. Data center proposals are increasingly popping up in rural areas, many of which are unzoned, so there’s no way a county can negotiate unless there’s a moratorium in place.
Other policy solutions include different performance standards or requiring on-site renewable energy, like what Jefferson County, Missouri, looked at. Also setback requirements, mandatory noise buffers, ending by-right zoning.
Where are local governments getting ideas for regulating data centers?
A lot of the technical information comes from developers. That can in cases be seen as a biased source of information. I wouldn’t say there’s a dedicated group providing assistance to local governments when a project is proposed — which is a similar story to wind industry development, where we have only a handful of consultants who provide technical advice. It can be really helpful to get a multi-disciplinary approach to hearing information. It can be helpful to have the utility commission, public health folks, those in academia, as well as the developer.
As of right now, especially in rural areas, local governments have a hard task of balancing pushback while getting the most accurate, evidence-based, neutral information to make decisions. That balance can be contentious.
What is the federal government doing on data center policy? How is the Trump administration approaching it?
A few things there. In the early days, the drive was for AI expansion and to be competitive with foreign adversaries. Now due to the amount of public pushback in red and blue localities and a more cautious approach.
I’m not seeing a lot of actual policy movement at this time.
I know the EPA is looking at the chemicals used in cooling data centers because when that water is cycled through the system, some of it is discharged into the water system, so they’re looking at the Toxic Substances and Control Act for monitoring that.
How much of an impact does this minimal federal role have on industry behavior?
Y’know, this isn’t specific to data centers. This is true for all kinds of large-scale development: there’s a need to require some sort of federal monitoring and regulation.
That’s where I see an emerging role for public health. At the federal level, there could be policy movement towards requiring some sort of environmental monitoring at data centers to make sure they’re operating responsibility. Looking at specific water use relative to water availability and what happens when there’s a time of severe, persistent drought. With air quality too — we’ve seen areas where the grid isn’t as reliable so their diesel generators are kicking on more and affecting air quality for residents.
We’re just not seeing all of that right now. We need corporate disclosure.
What do you see as the most important public health impacts from data center development?
It varies by localities. The most discussed obviously is water usage. One thing I’d note about my conversations with folks enthusiastic around emerging tech is, there are still questions that need to be asked about the capacity of localities to support a data center. Like a small town in Kansas may only be using 40% of their water for their utility needs. If a data center came online, how much of that water goes to the data center?
One area underexplored within the public health discipline is energy poverty and energy security. The ability of a household to meet the needs of everything energy provides in our lives. It’s known we have an aging electric grid but we’re not talking enough about large-scale blackouts when the grid is not sufficient to support some of these new data centers.
Plus more of the week’s big development fights.
1. Laramie County, Wyoming — Meta is fighting the fine it received in the Cheyenne data center water pollution controversy, and the conflict between the tech giant and the city’s small board of public utilities is continuing to spill out into the public.
2. Niagara County, New York — This county just rejected a solar project’s highway work permits in a show of retaliation against the state’s Office of Renewable Energy Siting.
3. Barron County, Wisconsin — The anti-solar protest is the new campaign stop in deep red Wisconsin.
4. Chesapeake, Virginia — A large battery storage project on the Virginia coastline is on the rocks amidst rampant local opposition.
5. Lewis County, West Virginia — West Virginia is now a key battleground in the fight over transmission, as a line spanning all of West Virginia and Maryland — and cutting through Data Center Alley in Virginia — causes compounding consternation.