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Disaster-averse insurers are jacking up rates and restricting coverage, worsening the sector’s post-pandemic crisis.
It’s not just homeowners starting to feel the effects of extreme weather on their insurance bills. The commercial real estate sector, some $20 trillion worth of property from cell-phone towers to apartment complexes to office buildings to warehouses, is also seeing unexpectedly large premium increases or disappearing coverage.
The challenges of damage from wind and water, smoke and fire, snow and ice are likely to compound what’s a challenging moment for the massive industry, as work from home and migration reshape how office space is used and as high interest rates make the financing-dependent business more perilous. With higher insurance costs will likely come some combination of lower payouts for investors and higher rents for tenants.
“Rising insurance costs are a growing problem for commercial property owners, particularly in states with increasing climate-related risk, such as Florida and Texas, where costs are rising upwards of 50% and starting to threaten new development and property sales,” Yardi Matrix, the commercial real estate research firm, said in a report earlier this year.
In areas affected by large storms, not only is insurance getting more expensive, it’s getting more limited as well, according to Yardi Matrix, including “new exclusions for damages such as mold or flood endorsements.”
“Clients with coastal exposures and/or less desirable risk … have experienced more difficult renewals. They have taken what coverage they can get, where it is available, and have been ready to consider the alternatives,” the insurance broker Gallagher said in a market report.
The losses due to weather have been felt up and down the business, with insurance and reinsurance companies taking big hits. Munich Re, the large reinsurer, has seen its underwriting (i.e. the difference between premiums collected and claims paid out) “deteriorat[ing] since last year, primarily as a result of higher natural catastrophe and human-made losses in the second quarter,” according to Morningstar analysts. Insurers are then passing those losses onto customers in the form of higher premiums.
For instance, the insurer Chubb said it had $400 million in catastrophe losses in the second quarter “principally from weather-related events in the U.S.,” the company’s chief financial officer Peter Enns said in a July conference call with analysts. At the same time, the insurer is raising prices on its property and casualty clients: “In terms of the commercial P&C rate environment, rates and price increases in property and casualty lines were strong,” Chubb’s chief executive officer Evan Greenberg said on the call. Overall, pricing was up in Chubb’s North American business by 12.8 percent, Greenberg said, while property insurance pricing was up over 30 percent.
“Premiums are going up,” Cal Inman, a principal at the climate research firm ClimateCheck, told me. “It’s an issue in commercial real estate. The risk profile is changing, we’re seeing higher frequency of events and intensity.”
Higher insurance costs have been spotted all over the commercial real estate market. Equity LifeStyle, which owns and operates RV resorts, campgrounds, and manufactured home communities, said in financial filings that its insurance for its RV and campgrounds have seen its deductibles for “most catastrophic events” increase from $2 million in the aggregate to $10 million.
Most of the company’s properties in Florida experienced “flooding, wind, wind-blown debris, and falling trees and branches,” according to its annual report, while four RV sites “experienced strong winds as well as significant flooding, including from unprecedented storm surges that resulted in damage to certain common area buildings, utility infrastructure and residents’ homes.” The company incurred $40.6 million in cleanup cost in 2022 that was covered by its insurance and another $10.3 million in costs in the first half of this year.
On the other side of the country, Hudson Pacific Properties, which owns offices and studio space on the West Coast, reported an increase in insurance premiums starting in April. Last year, it had prepaid $6.5 million in insurance, up from $5.4 million in 2021. But in the first six months of this year, those costs have already ballooned to $21.7 million.
Equity Residential, which owns over 80,000 apartment units, reported in its second quarter of this year that its insurance costs had gone up by just over 14 percent from the second quarter of last year, which it attributed to “higher premiums on property insurance renewal due to challenging conditions in the insurance market.”
The higher insurance costs are not just limited to residential and office investors. Prologis, which owns over one billion feet of logistics infrastructure (think lots of warehouses), said in its most recent quarterly report that it had incurred “higher insurance costs from an unusually active storm season during the first quarter of 2023.”
“The premiums that insurers charge are changing to reflect increased risk,” Inman said. “If you put that next to everything else that happens in the industry, that’s a lot. Beyond premiums going up, you’re seeing some properties [that are] hard to get insurance on.”
That everything else is namely high interest rates. As interest rates have gone up, refinancing buildings has gotten more expensive and the commercial real estate loans that banks and other financial institutions — like insurance companies — hold on their books have declined in value. The combination of more extreme weather and a tighter financing environment presents something of a doublebind for commercial real estate — some types of buildings, like office space in New York and California, have probably gotten intrinsically less valuable, while the cost of operating and financing the business has gone up.
And like the high interest rates, there may be no good place to hide from the bad weather.
While the issues in the insurance markets in California and the Gulf Coast are well known and especially pronounced; according to Gallagher, extreme weather and corresponding large insurance losses are occurring in the central and northern parts of the country as well.
“Atmospheric rivers and severe convective storms (SCSs) during the first three months of the year drove insured losses to nearly $10 billion, resulting in one of the most costly first quarters on record,” the Gallagher report says. “Clients with exposure to Northeast wind, wildfire, and/or severe weather events across the Midwestern region may now be seen as riskier than in the past.”
Read more about climate change and insurance:
Vermont Is the Soggy Edge of America’s Flood Insurance Crisis
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Republicans are taking over some of the most powerful institutions for crafting climate policy on Earth.
When Republicans flipped the Senate, they took the keys to three critical energy and climate-focused committees.
These are among the most powerful institutions for crafting climate policy on Earth. The Senate plays the role of gatekeeper for important legislation, as it requires a supermajority to overcome the filibuster. Hence, it’s both where many promising climate bills from the House go to die, as well as where key administrators such as the heads of the Department of Energy and the Environmental Protection Agency are vetted and confirmed.
We’ll have to wait a bit for the Senate’s new committee chairs to be officially confirmed. But Jeff Navin, co-founder at the climate change-focused government affairs firm Boundary Stone Partners, told me that since selections are usually based on seniority, in many cases it’s already clear which Republicans are poised to lead under Trump and which Democrats will assume second-in-command (known as the ranking member). Here’s what we know so far.
This committee has been famously led by Joe Manchin, the former Democrat, now Independent senator from West Virginia, who will retire at the end of this legislative session. Energy and Natural Resources has a history of bipartisan collaboration and was integral in developing many of the key provisions in the Inflation Reduction Act — and could thus play a key role in dismantling them. Overall, the committee oversees the DOE, the Department of the Interior, the U.S. Forest Service, and the Federal Energy Regulatory Commission, so it’s no small deal that its next chairman will likely be Mike Lee, the ultra-conservative Republican from Utah. That’s assuming that the committee's current ranking member, John Barrasso of Wyoming, wins his bid for Republican Senate whip, which seems very likely.
Lee opposes federal ownership of public lands, setting himself up to butt heads with Martin Heinrich, the Democrat from New Mexico and likely the committee’s next ranking member. Lee has also said that solving climate change is simply a matter of having more babies, as “problems of human imagination are not solved by more laws, they’re solved by more humans.” As Navin told me, “We've had this kind of safe space where so-called quiet climate policy could get done in the margins. And it’s not clear that that's going to continue to exist with the new leadership.”
This committee is currently chaired by Democrat Tom Carper of Delaware, who is retiring after this term. Poised to take over is the Republican’s current ranking member, Shelley Moore Capito of West Virginia. She’s been a strong advocate for continued reliance on coal and natural gas power plants, while also carving out areas of bipartisan consensus on issues such as nuclear energy, carbon capture, and infrastructure projects during her tenure on the committee. The job of the Environment and Public Works committee is in the name: It oversees the EPA, writes key pieces of environmental legislation such as the Clean Air Act and Clean Water Act, and supervises public infrastructure projects such as highways, bridges, and dams.
Navin told me that many believe the new Democratic ranking member will be Sheldon Whitehouse of Rhode Island, although to do so, he would have to step down from his perch at the Senate Budget Committee, where he is currently chair. A tireless advocate of the climate cause, Whitehouse has worked on the Environment and Public Works committee for over 15 years, and lately seems to have had a relatively productive working relationship with Capito.
This subcommittee falls under the broader Senate Appropriations Committee and is responsible for allocating funding for the DOE, various water development projects, and various other agencies such as the Nuclear Regulatory Commission.
California’s Dianne Feinstein used to chair this subcommittee until her death last year, when Democrat Patty Murray of Washington took over. Navin told me that the subcommittee’s next leader will depend on how the game of “musical chairs” in the larger Appropriations Committee shakes out. Depending on their subcommittee preferences, the chair could end up being John Kennedy of Louisiana, outgoing Senate Minority Leader Mitch McConnell of Kentucky, or Lisa Murkowski of Alaska. It’s likewise hard to say who the top Democrat will be.
Inside a wild race sparked by a solar farm in Knox County, Ohio.
The most important climate election you’ve never heard of? Your local county commissioner.
County commissioners are usually the most powerful governing individuals in a county government. As officials closer to community-level planning than, say a sitting senator, commissioners wind up on the frontlines of grassroots opposition to renewables. And increasingly, property owners that may be personally impacted by solar or wind farms in their backyards are gunning for county commissioner positions on explicitly anti-development platforms.
Take the case of newly-elected Ohio county commissioner – and Christian social media lifestyle influencer – Drenda Keesee.
In March, Keesee beat fellow Republican Thom Collier in a primary to become a GOP nominee for a commissioner seat in Knox County, Ohio. Knox, a ruby red area with very few Democratic voters, is one of the hottest battlegrounds in the war over solar energy on prime farmland and one of the riskiest counties in the country for developers, according to Heatmap Pro’s database. But Collier had expressed openness to allowing new solar to be built on a case-by-case basis, while Keesee ran on a platform focused almost exclusively on blocking solar development. Collier ultimately placed third in the primary, behind Keesee and another anti-solar candidate placing second.
Fighting solar is a personal issue for Keesee (pronounced keh-see, like “messy”). She has aggressively fought Frasier Solar – a 120 megawatt solar project in the country proposed by Open Road Renewables – getting involved in organizing against the project and regularly attending state regulator hearings. Filings she submitted to the Ohio Power Siting Board state she owns a property at least somewhat adjacent to the proposed solar farm. Based on the sheer volume of those filings this is clearly her passion project – alongside preaching and comparing gay people to Hitler.
Yesterday I spoke to Collier who told me the Frasier Solar project motivated Keesee’s candidacy. He remembered first encountering her at a community meeting – “she verbally accosted me” – and that she “decided she’d run against me because [the solar farm] was going to be next to her house.” In his view, he lost the race because excitement and money combined to produce high anti-solar turnout in a kind of local government primary that ordinarily has low campaign spending and is quite quiet. Some of that funding and activity has been well documented.
“She did it right: tons of ground troops, people from her church, people she’s close with went door-to-door, and they put out lots of propaganda. She got them stirred up that we were going to take all the farmland and turn it into solar,” he said.
Collier’s takeaway from the race was that local commissioner races are particularly vulnerable to the sorts of disinformation, campaign spending and political attacks we’re used to seeing more often in races for higher offices at the state and federal level.
“Unfortunately it has become this,” he bemoaned, “fueled by people who have little to no knowledge of what we do or how we do it. If you stir up enough stuff and you cry out loud enough and put up enough misinformation, people will start to believe it.”
Races like these are happening elsewhere in Ohio and in other states like Georgia, where opposition to a battery plant mobilized Republican primaries. As the climate world digests the federal election results and tries to work backwards from there, perhaps at least some attention will refocus on local campaigns like these.
And more of the week’s most important conflicts around renewable energy.
1. Madison County, Missouri – A giant battery material recycling plant owned by Critical Mineral Recovery exploded and became engulfed in flames last week, creating a potential Vineyard Wind-level PR headache for energy storage.
2. Benton County, Washington State – Governor Jay Inslee finally got state approvals finished for Scout Clean Energy’s massive Horse Heaven wind farm after a prolonged battle over project siting, cultural heritage management, and bird habitat.
3. Fulton County, Georgia – A large NextEra battery storage facility outside of Atlanta is facing a lawsuit that commingles usual conflicts over building these properties with environmental justice concerns, I’ve learned.
Here’s what else I’m watching…
In Colorado, Weld County commissioners approved part of one of the largest solar projects in the nation proposed by Balanced Rock Power.
In New Mexico, a large solar farm in Sandoval County proposed by a subsidiary of U.S. PCR Investments on land typically used for cattle is facing consternation.
In Pennsylvania, Schuylkill County commissioners are thinking about new solar zoning restrictions.
In Kentucky, Lost City Renewables is still wrestling with local concerns surrounding a 1,300-acre solar farm in rural Muhlenberg County.
In Minnesota, Ranger Power’s Gopher State solar project is starting to go through the public hearing process.
In Texas, Trina Solar – a company media reports have linked to China – announced it sold a large battery plant the day after the election. It was acquired by Norwegian company FREYR.