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It’s one of the biggest long-term threats to price stability.
People really hate inflation. Fortunately, prices are no longer rising nearly as rapidly as they were in 2021 and 2022. However, we may be on the cusp of a longer epoch of periodic inflation caused by climate change, one of the biggest long-term threats to price stability. The Federal Reserve should act accordingly.
America’s central bank has a dual mandate: It calibrates monetary policy to maximize employment while minimizing inflation. With unemployment reaching record lows, the Fed has been focused on controlling the spike in inflation we saw from 2021-2022. It quickly raised interest rates over the last two years in order to cool the economy and put downward pressure on prices. And voila, after peaking in the summer of 2022, inflation has steadily fallen to manageable levels.
However, the Fed’s rate hikes may not have been the primary driver behind disinflation. Inflation, it’s often said, occurs when there’s too much money chasing too few goods. The Fed’s higher-interest rate policy primarily hit the too much money side of the ledger, decreasing demand by making it more expensive for people and businesses to borrow. But there’s mounting evidence that the bigger macro-economic problem was too few goods. The Roosevelt Institute did a close analysis of inflation’s decline since 2022, and found that prices of goods have fallen even while demand has increased. That suggests that most of the decline in inflation has been from increased supply — that is, inflation was cured by recovering from pandemic-era supply chain bottlenecks. Supply chains that got snarled by COVID-19 production shutdowns and Russia’s invasion of Ukraine slowly sorted themselves out; as more goods came on to the market, prices eventually stabilized.
Indeed, the Federal Reserve’s own data found that supply chain pressure closely tracked inflation. Researchers at the San Francisco Fed found that supply chain issues account for 60 percent of inflation in 2021 and 2022.
In order to prevent future inflation flare-ups, we must guard against other foreseeable supply chain shocks. The pandemic may have been a once-in-a-lifetime (let’s hope) calamity, but it won’t be the last supply pileup. Climate change is also expected to wreak havoc on the global movement of goods. As the planet warms, droughts, floods, and other extreme weather will become more frequent and more severe. That will lead to a rise in the magnitude and frequency of supply-chain disruptions as factories are evacuated or shipping routes become untraversable.
For example, in August 2022, Chinese factories were closed not due to the pandemic, but because of a brutal drought. These closures in turn froze international supply chains for cars, electronics and other goods. Significant waterways for international trade, like the Panama Canal and the Rhine, have seen their water levels periodically dry up so much that shipping vessels cannot pass through, halting the shipment of goods.
We’ll see more of this as warming worsens. As the White House Council of Economic Advisers said, “As [supply-chain] networks become more connected, and climate change worsens, the frequency and size of supply-chain-related disasters rises.” The CEA found that over the last 40 years, the frequency of natural disasters around the world has tripled, and the number of billion-dollar disasters each year has risen from five to 20.
Food prices are among the most visible — and painful — forms of inflation for consumers. And we’ve seen climate-related weather events drive up food prices in the past. As the U.S. Department of Agriculture recalled in its 2022 supply chain report, a severe years-long drought in the southern plains states in the early 2010s dramatically culled the population of beef cows and caused historically high beef prices. And global heat waves in recent years have sent the cost of staple crops soaring.
While some amount of warming is locked in at this point, doing all we can to cut emissions as quickly as possible will help minimize future supply chain disruptions. That requires building massive amounts of new clean energy infrastructure. In 2022, the federal government passed major climate legislation as part of the Inflation Reduction Act to offer hundreds of billions of dollars in subsidies to encourage the development of wind farms, solar arrays, and other clean energy sources, as well as financial incentives for consumers to purchase electric vehicles, heat pumps, and other clean-energy home upgrades.
Unfortunately, the passage of the IRA has coincided with the Fed’s generationally-high interest rate policy. High interest rates have made it much more costly to build renewable energy projects in the U.S. and around the world — especially expensive projects like offshore wind farms, which have seen multiple cancellations and delays due to higher-than-anticipated financing costs. High rates are also a heavier drag on renewable energy projects than fossil fuel projects because the bulk of the costs for a wind or solar farm are in upfront construction.
The Fed expects to begin gradually cutting interest rates over the coming year if inflation continues to cool. That would ease borrowing costs throughout the economy, which will help more clean energy projects get built and make EVs more affordable to more buyers. That’s a win-win: A swift pivot to a clean-energy economy will reduce emissions, which will also mitigate future weather-related supply chain shocks. And that will make it easier for the Fed to fulfill its mandate to manage inflation in the future: Lower interest rates now will help support rapid decarbonization, which in turn will reduce climate-induced inflation down the road.
That’s not to say that the central bank needs to morph into a “Green Fed.”
“The Federal Reserve is not and will not be a ‘climate policymaker,’” Chairman Jerome Powell said in October, when the Fed and other agencies unveiled guidance for how banks should manage climate-related financial risk. “Decisions about policies to address climate change must be made by the elected branches of government.”
The Fed takes a thousand-foot view of the economy, and can’t set rates based on the needs of any one industry, no matter how important. But as climate change reshapes the world around us, all institutions will feel its effects, including the Fed. While environmental goals won’t drive Fed policy, managing long-term inflation will mean paying attention to how the bank’s actions affect the climate. Just as the Fed monitors how interest rate policy affects key sectors like the housing market, it should also pay increasing attention to how it affects the clean-energy sector.
When the Inflation Reduction Act passed, the law’s name drew some scorn as a supposed misnomer for what was fundamentally a climate bill. But over the long haul, combating climate change is a big part of what we need to do to ward off inflation. If we fall short, then missed decarbonization opportunities today will increase the threat of extreme-weather supply-chain bottlenecks tomorrow. And that means more inflation. Even if it’s not a “climate policymaker,” the Fed will come to care about climate change.The only question is whether that happens years from now, when climate inflation arrives in earnest, or now, when we still have a chance to do something about it.
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Though it might not be as comprehensive or as permanent as renewables advocates have feared, it’s also “just the beginning,” the congressman said.
President-elect Donald Trump’s team is drafting an executive order to “halt offshore wind turbine activities” along the East Coast, working with the office of Republican Rep. Jeff Van Drew of New Jersey, the congressman said in a press release from his office Monday afternoon.
“This executive order is just the beginning,” Van Drew said in a statement. “We will fight tooth and nail to prevent this offshore wind catastrophe from wreaking havoc on the hardworking people who call our coastal towns home.”
The announcement indicates that some in the anti-wind space are leaving open the possibility that Trump’s much-hyped offshore wind ban may be less sweeping than initially suggested.
In its press release, Van Drew’s office said the executive order would “lay the groundwork for permanent measures against the projects,” leaving the door open to only a temporary pause on permitting new projects. The congressman had recently told New Jersey reporters that he anticipates only a six-month moratorium on offshore wind.
The release also stated that the “proposed order” is “expected to be finalized within the first few months of the administration,” which is a far cry from Trump’s promise to stop projects on Day 1. If enacted, a pause would essentially halt all U.S. offshore wind development because the sought-after stretches of national coastline are entirely within federal waters.
Whether this is just caution from Van Drew’s people or a true moderation of Trump’s ambition we’ll soon find out. Inauguration Day is in less than a week.
Imagine for a moment that you’re an aerial firefighter pilot. You have one of the most dangerous jobs in the country, and now you’ve been called in to fight the devastating fires burning in Los Angeles County’s famously tricky, hilly terrain. You’re working long hours — not as long as your colleagues on the ground due to flight time limitations, but the maximum scheduling allows — not to mention the added external pressures you’re also facing. Even the incoming president recently wondered aloud why the fires aren’t under control yet and insinuated that it’s your and your colleagues’ fault.
You’re on a sortie, getting ready for a particularly white-knuckle drop at a low altitude in poor visibility conditions when an object catches your eye outside the cockpit window: an authorized drone dangerously close to your wing.
Aerial firefighters don’t have to imagine this terrifying scenario; they’ve lived it. Last week, a drone punched a hole in the wing of a Québécois “Super Scooper” plane that had traveled down from Canada to fight the fires, grounding Palisades firefighting operations for an agonizing half-hour. Thirty minutes might not seem like much, but it is precious time lost when the Santa Ana winds have already curtailed aerial operations.
“I am shocked by what happened in Los Angeles with the drone,” Anna Lau, a forestry communication coordinator with the Montana Department of Natural Resources and Conservation, told me. The Montana DNRC has also had to contend with unauthorized drones grounding its firefighting planes. “We’re following what’s going on very closely, and it’s shocking to us,” Lau went on. Leaving the skies clear so that firefighters can get on with their work “just seems like a no-brainer, especially when people are actively trying to tackle the situation at hand and fighting to save homes, property, and lives.”
Courtesy of U.S. Forest Service
Although the Super Scooper collision was by far the most egregious case, according to authorities there have been at least 40 “incidents involving drones” in the airspace around L.A. since the fires started. (Notably, the Federal Aviation Administration has not granted any waivers for the air space around Palisades, meaning any drone images you see of the region, including on the news, were “probably shot illegally,” Intelligencer reports.) So far, law enforcement has arrested three people connected to drones flying near the L.A. fires, and the FBI is seeking information regarding the Super Scooper collision.
Such a problem is hardly isolated to these fires, though. The Forest Service reports that drones led to the suspension of or interfered with at least 172 fire responses between 2015 and 2020. Some people, including Mike Fraietta, an FAA-certified drone pilot and the founder of the drone-detection company Gargoyle Systems, believe the true number of interferences is much higher — closer to 400.
Law enforcement likes to say that unauthorized drone use falls into three buckets — clueless, criminal, or careless — and Fraietta was inclined to believe that it’s mostly the former in L.A. Hobbyists and other casual drone operators “don’t know the regulations or that this is a danger,” he said. “There’s a lot of ignorance.” To raise awareness, he suggested law enforcement and the media highlight the steep penalties for flying drones in wildfire no-fly zones, which is punishable by up to 12 months in prison or a fine of $75,000.
“What we’re seeing, particularly in California, is TikTok and Instagram influencers trying to get a shot and get likes,” Fraietta conjectured. In the case of the drone that hit the Super Scooper, it “might have been a case of citizen journalism, like, Well, I have the ability to get this shot and share what’s going on.”
Emergency management teams are waking up, too. Many technologies are on the horizon for drone detection, identification, and deflection, including Wi-Fi jamming, which was used to ground climate activists’ drones at Heathrow Airport in 2019. Jamming is less practical in an emergency situation like the one in L.A., though, where lives could be at stake if people can’t communicate.
Still, the fact of the matter is that firefighters waste precious time dealing with drones when there are far more pressing issues that need their attention. Lau, in Montana, described how even just a 12-minute interruption to firefighting efforts can put a community at risk. “The biggest public awareness message we put out is, ‘If you fly, we can’t,’” she said.
Fraietta, though, noted that drone technology could be used positively in the future, including on wildfire detection and monitoring, prescribed burns, and communicating with firefighters or victims on the ground.
“We don’t want to see this turn into the FAA saying, ‘Hey everyone, no more drones in the United States because of this incident,’” Fraietta said. “You don’t shut down I-95 because a few people are running drugs up and down it, right? Drones are going to be super beneficial to the country long term.”
But critically, in the case of a wildfire, such tools belong in the right hands — not the hands of your neighbor who got a DJI Mini 3 for Christmas. “Their one shot isn’t worth it,” Lau said.
Editor’s note: This story has been updated to reflect that the Québécois firefighting planes are called Super Scoopers, not super soakers.
Plus 3 more outstanding questions about this ongoing emergency.
As Los Angeles continued to battle multiple big blazes ripping through some of the most beloved (and expensive) areas of the city on Friday, a question lingered in the background: What caused the fires in the first place?
Though fires are less common in California during this time of the year, they aren’t unheard of. In early December 2017, power lines sparked the Thomas Fire near Ventura, California, which burned through to mid-January. At the time it was the largest fire in the state since at least the 1930s. Now it’s the ninth-largest. Although that fire was in a more rural area, it ignited for some of the same reasons we’re seeing fires this week.
Read on for everything we know so far about how the fires started.
Six major fires started during the Santa Ana wind event last week:
Officials are investigating the cause of the fires and have not made any public statements yet. Early eyewitness accounts suggest that the Eaton Fire may have started at the base of a transmission tower owned by Southern California Edison. So far, the company has maintained that an analysis of its equipment showed “no interruptions or electrical or operational anomalies until more than one hour after the reported start time of the fire.” A Washington Post investigation found that the Palisades Fire could have risen from the remnants of a fire that burned on New Year’s Eve and reignited.
On Thursday morning, Edward Nordskog, a retired fire investigator from the Los Angeles Sheriff’s Department, told me it was unlikely they had even begun looking into the root of the biggest and most destructive of the fires in the Pacific Palisades. “They don't start an investigation until it's safe to go into the area where the fire started, and it just hasn't been safe until probably today,” he said.
It can take years to determine the cause of a fire. Investigators did not pinpoint the cause of the Thomas Fire until March 2019, more than two years after it started.
But Nordskog doesn’t think it will take very long this time. It’s easier to narrow down the possibilities for an urban fire because there are typically both witnesses and surveillance footage, he told me. He said the most common causes of wildfires in Los Angeles are power lines and those started by unhoused people. They can also be caused by sparks from vehicles or equipment.
At more than 40,000 acres burned total, these fires are unlikely to make the charts for the largest in California history. But because they are burning in urban, densely populated, and expensive areas, they could be some of the most devastating. With an estimated 9,000 structures damaged as of Friday morning, the Eaton and Palisades fires are likely to make the list for most destructive wildfire events in the state.
And they will certainly be at the top for costliest. The Palisades Fire has already been declared a likely contender for the most expensive wildfire in U.S. history. It has destroyed more than 5,000 structures in some of the most expensive zip codes in the country. Between that and the Eaton Fire, Accuweather estimates the damages could reach $57 billion.
While we don’t know the root causes of the ignitions, several factors came together to create perfect fire conditions in Southern California this week.
First, there’s the Santa Ana winds, an annual phenomenon in Southern California, when very dry, high-pressure air gets trapped in the Great Basin and begins escaping westward through mountain passes to lower-pressure areas along the coast. Most of the time, the wind in Los Angeles blows eastward from the ocean, but during a Santa Ana event, it changes direction, picking up speed as it rushes toward the sea.
Jon Keeley, a research scientist with the US Geological Survey and an adjunct professor at the University of California, Los Angeles told me that Santa Ana winds typically blow at maybe 30 to 40 miles per hour, while the winds this week hit upwards of 60 to 70 miles per hour. “More severe than is normal, but not unique,” he said. “We had similar severe winds in 2017 with the Thomas Fire.”
Second, Southern California is currently in the midst of extreme drought. Winter is typically a rainier season, but Los Angeles has seen less than half an inch of rain since July. That means that all the shrubland vegetation in the area is bone-dry. Again, Keeley said, this was not usual, but not unique. Some years are drier than others.
These fires were also not a question of fuel management, Keeley told me. “The fuels are not really the issue in these big fires. It's the extreme winds,” he said. “You can do prescription burning in chaparral and have essentially no impact on Santa Ana wind-driven fires.” As far as he can tell, based on information from CalFire, the Eaton Fire started on an urban street.
While it’s likely that climate change played a role in amplifying the drought, it’s hard to say how big a factor it was. Patrick Brown, a climate scientist at the Breakthrough Institute and adjunct professor at Johns Hopkins University, published a long post on X outlining the factors contributing to the fires, including a chart of historic rainfall during the winter in Los Angeles that shows oscillations between wet and dry years over the past eight decades.
But climate change is expected to make dry years drier and wet years wetter, creating a “hydroclimate whiplash,” as Daniel Swain, a pre-eminent expert on climate change and weather in California puts it. In a thread on Bluesky, Swain wrote that “in 2024, Southern California experienced an exceptional episode of wet-to-dry hydroclimate whiplash.” Last year’s rainy winter fostered abundant plant growth, and the proceeding dryness primed the vegetation for fire.
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Editor’s note: This story was last update on Monday, January 13, at 10:00 a.m. ET.