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It’s one of the biggest long-term threats to price stability.

People really hate inflation. Fortunately, prices are no longer rising nearly as rapidly as they were in 2021 and 2022. However, we may be on the cusp of a longer epoch of periodic inflation caused by climate change, one of the biggest long-term threats to price stability. The Federal Reserve should act accordingly.
America’s central bank has a dual mandate: It calibrates monetary policy to maximize employment while minimizing inflation. With unemployment reaching record lows, the Fed has been focused on controlling the spike in inflation we saw from 2021-2022. It quickly raised interest rates over the last two years in order to cool the economy and put downward pressure on prices. And voila, after peaking in the summer of 2022, inflation has steadily fallen to manageable levels.
However, the Fed’s rate hikes may not have been the primary driver behind disinflation. Inflation, it’s often said, occurs when there’s too much money chasing too few goods. The Fed’s higher-interest rate policy primarily hit the too much money side of the ledger, decreasing demand by making it more expensive for people and businesses to borrow. But there’s mounting evidence that the bigger macro-economic problem was too few goods. The Roosevelt Institute did a close analysis of inflation’s decline since 2022, and found that prices of goods have fallen even while demand has increased. That suggests that most of the decline in inflation has been from increased supply — that is, inflation was cured by recovering from pandemic-era supply chain bottlenecks. Supply chains that got snarled by COVID-19 production shutdowns and Russia’s invasion of Ukraine slowly sorted themselves out; as more goods came on to the market, prices eventually stabilized.
Indeed, the Federal Reserve’s own data found that supply chain pressure closely tracked inflation. Researchers at the San Francisco Fed found that supply chain issues account for 60 percent of inflation in 2021 and 2022.
In order to prevent future inflation flare-ups, we must guard against other foreseeable supply chain shocks. The pandemic may have been a once-in-a-lifetime (let’s hope) calamity, but it won’t be the last supply pileup. Climate change is also expected to wreak havoc on the global movement of goods. As the planet warms, droughts, floods, and other extreme weather will become more frequent and more severe. That will lead to a rise in the magnitude and frequency of supply-chain disruptions as factories are evacuated or shipping routes become untraversable.
For example, in August 2022, Chinese factories were closed not due to the pandemic, but because of a brutal drought. These closures in turn froze international supply chains for cars, electronics and other goods. Significant waterways for international trade, like the Panama Canal and the Rhine, have seen their water levels periodically dry up so much that shipping vessels cannot pass through, halting the shipment of goods.
We’ll see more of this as warming worsens. As the White House Council of Economic Advisers said, “As [supply-chain] networks become more connected, and climate change worsens, the frequency and size of supply-chain-related disasters rises.” The CEA found that over the last 40 years, the frequency of natural disasters around the world has tripled, and the number of billion-dollar disasters each year has risen from five to 20.
Food prices are among the most visible — and painful — forms of inflation for consumers. And we’ve seen climate-related weather events drive up food prices in the past. As the U.S. Department of Agriculture recalled in its 2022 supply chain report, a severe years-long drought in the southern plains states in the early 2010s dramatically culled the population of beef cows and caused historically high beef prices. And global heat waves in recent years have sent the cost of staple crops soaring.
While some amount of warming is locked in at this point, doing all we can to cut emissions as quickly as possible will help minimize future supply chain disruptions. That requires building massive amounts of new clean energy infrastructure. In 2022, the federal government passed major climate legislation as part of the Inflation Reduction Act to offer hundreds of billions of dollars in subsidies to encourage the development of wind farms, solar arrays, and other clean energy sources, as well as financial incentives for consumers to purchase electric vehicles, heat pumps, and other clean-energy home upgrades.
Unfortunately, the passage of the IRA has coincided with the Fed’s generationally-high interest rate policy. High interest rates have made it much more costly to build renewable energy projects in the U.S. and around the world — especially expensive projects like offshore wind farms, which have seen multiple cancellations and delays due to higher-than-anticipated financing costs. High rates are also a heavier drag on renewable energy projects than fossil fuel projects because the bulk of the costs for a wind or solar farm are in upfront construction.
The Fed expects to begin gradually cutting interest rates over the coming year if inflation continues to cool. That would ease borrowing costs throughout the economy, which will help more clean energy projects get built and make EVs more affordable to more buyers. That’s a win-win: A swift pivot to a clean-energy economy will reduce emissions, which will also mitigate future weather-related supply chain shocks. And that will make it easier for the Fed to fulfill its mandate to manage inflation in the future: Lower interest rates now will help support rapid decarbonization, which in turn will reduce climate-induced inflation down the road.
That’s not to say that the central bank needs to morph into a “Green Fed.”
“The Federal Reserve is not and will not be a ‘climate policymaker,’” Chairman Jerome Powell said in October, when the Fed and other agencies unveiled guidance for how banks should manage climate-related financial risk. “Decisions about policies to address climate change must be made by the elected branches of government.”
The Fed takes a thousand-foot view of the economy, and can’t set rates based on the needs of any one industry, no matter how important. But as climate change reshapes the world around us, all institutions will feel its effects, including the Fed. While environmental goals won’t drive Fed policy, managing long-term inflation will mean paying attention to how the bank’s actions affect the climate. Just as the Fed monitors how interest rate policy affects key sectors like the housing market, it should also pay increasing attention to how it affects the clean-energy sector.
When the Inflation Reduction Act passed, the law’s name drew some scorn as a supposed misnomer for what was fundamentally a climate bill. But over the long haul, combating climate change is a big part of what we need to do to ward off inflation. If we fall short, then missed decarbonization opportunities today will increase the threat of extreme-weather supply-chain bottlenecks tomorrow. And that means more inflation. Even if it’s not a “climate policymaker,” the Fed will come to care about climate change.The only question is whether that happens years from now, when climate inflation arrives in earnest, or now, when we still have a chance to do something about it.
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The two economic booms resemble each other somewhat. But data centers have a far more dire PR problem.
This is an edition of Heatmap Daily, an evening review of the day’s news written by our executive editor. Sign up for it here.
In Pennsylvania, the governor required data center developers to comply with new restrictions. Texas began its mandatory audit for grid-connected data centers. And Nebraska limited tax incentives for data centers and started a new task force.
In Wisconsin’s governor race, candidates began posturing over who will treat data centers the toughest; in Michigan’s Senate race, the GOP candidate Mike Rogers called for a statewide moratorium on them. A Politico analysis found that of the more than 100 campaign ads mentioning data centers this election, none have put the technology in a positive light.
It makes sense, then, that when Heatmap published its most recent polling on data centers — finding that 75% of Americans oppose their local development — it seemed to blow up. But there’s one aspect of that polling that I want to discuss here, because I think it has been underacknowledged.
It’s this: According to our polling, data centers are about as unpopular in urban areas as rural areas. They’re slightly less unpopular in the suburbs.
The differences in disapproval, to be clear, aren’t enormous. Local data center development is 63 points underwater in rural areas and 60 points underwater in urban areas. That’s close enough to our poll’s 2.3% margin of error that it may just be noise. Even in the suburbs, data center development is 58 points underwater — a small distinction.
But it represents a big shift from the political geography of recent decades, where cities and rural areas have tended to disagree profoundly over policy. Since the 2000 election or so, cities have elected Democrats, rural areas have picked Republicans, and then the parties have fought over the suburbs.
Data centers, however, appear to unite these two partisan bases against some of the country’s largest companies — and some of our political systems’ odder ducks. Heatmap’s polling earlier this year found that AI YIMBYs tend to be urban, largely Trump-voting men who are optimistic about technology. And in March, the Republican pollster Echelon Insights found that some of data centers’ biggest fans were MAGA Republicans with graduate degrees living in cities.
These results help explain why Republicans have suddenly turned on a dime against data centers: Their base has rejected it. As a political reporter friend put it to me, after looking at our data, you don’t want to be on the wrong side of a trend that’s uniting college-educated and non-college-educated Americans.
In trying to understand this transition, I’ve tried to think about other technologies that have undergone similar investment booms in recent American history. One oft-made comparison is fracking, which expanded quickly across the country in the 2010s. Many commentators — myself included — have suggested that data centers may follow fracking’s example, where blue states ban a new type of economic activity and red states welcome it. The red (and sometimes purple) states then get to reap much of the resulting economic growth — and the tax receipts — while everyone has to deal with the emissions. The revelation that data centers are driving a new natural gas boom only deepens the link.
But there’s one big problem with that analogy: Fracking was never this unpopular. While fracking has rarely commanded a large majority of support among the mass public, its popular nadir came in spring 2020, when 60% of Americans told Pew that they opposed an expansion of fracking. (Its popularity began to recover after President Biden took office — a classic case of thermostatic public opinion.)
In every poll that we could find at Heatmap, too, expanding fracking always commanded a majority of Republican support. Throughout the 2010s and 2020s, rank-and-file Republicans have wanted to “drill, baby, drill.” But they don’t seem to want to “compute, baby, compute.” And that means — among other things — energy and climate analysts like me need to find another analogy.
Temperatures are high, but electricity drama is low.
The Texas summer isn’t over — highs today are forecasted to be at or above 100 degrees Fahrenheit in much of the state — but so far the state’s grid has held up.
In the past month or so, Texas’ grid has hit a number of generation records, according to data collected by Grid Status. Those include its highest load ever (91,308 megawatts on July 22), its highest level of renewables generation (53,000 megawatts on August 13), maximum wind output (29,000 megawatts on June 29) and, most notably, its maximum battery discharge (some 13,256 megawatts earlier this week, on August 23, at 7:45 p.m.).
And all the while, the grid has been stable, which is by no means guaranteed in Texas.
The state’s grid operator, ERCOT, has not issued a single “conservation appeal” so far this summer, asking Texans to voluntarily reduce electricity consumption to support the grid. By contrast, in 2023, the grid manager issued six between August 24 and August 30.
Those conservation appeals were almost always given for the late afternoon and early evening, when demand typically peaks thanks to demand from workers returning home and cranking up their air conditioning. That’s also when the grid has to ramp up dispatchable resources quickly to compensate for solar falling off the grid as the sun sets.
“We’re really seeing peak demand divorced from peak prices,” Joshua Rhodes, research scientist at the University of Texas, told me. This means that when demand is at its highest on a summer day — say around 4 p.m. this past Monday, when load was over 90 gigawatts — real-time prices were about $46 per megawatt-hour, according to Grid Status. At that time, natural gas made up about 42% of the grid and solar 36%. Compare that to the same time in 2023, when real-time prices were $85 per megawatt-hour during peak usage times and wind and solar combined made up around 20% of the grid.
As Abby Lestina, principal market analyst at Grid Status, put it to me, “The lack of pricing action would lead to the conclusion that the grid is more stable.”
Another positive side effect of that stability is that batteries on the system can still charge even when demand is at its highest, and then discharge in the evening to help make up for lost solar. “Even when we were setting peak demand records, we’re still on net charging batteries, which at first blush feels so wrong,” Rhodes told me. “We have so much solar on the system that we’re charging batteries when prices are low, getting ready to discharge as the sun goes down before the wind picks back up.”
Let’s take Monday as an example again: At 7:50 p.m., when solar was down to just 1.5% of the mix on the grid, batteries were discharging 11,573 megawatts and real-time prices were around $125 per-megawatt-hour. On the same Monday of 2023, real-time prices at 7:50 p.m. were bouncing up and down from just below the statutory peak of $5,000 per megawatt hour and batteries were putting out just over a gigawatt.
“Because we have so much battery capacity online, it hasn’t been all that exciting,” Olivier Beaufils, head of US central at Aurora Energy Advisors, told me, referring to the hand-off from solar to batteries. “The price action, it’s like 150 bucks, not thousands, and that’s really because of this battery capacity.”
Texas is also aided by friendly geography — there are extensive solar projects in the western part of the state, while the load is largely in the Texas Triangle in the eastern part of the state, giving solar panels an extra hour or so to serve high demand later in the day.
Average electricity bills in Texas, an energy-hungry state, sat at $252 a month in July, according to Heatmap and MIT’s Electricity Price Hub, up just 2.3% in the past year, while rates are virtually unchanged at 16 cents per kilowatt-hour.
Along with California’s CAISO, ERCOT dominates battery deployment in the United States. According to the energy consulting firm GridLab, “ERCOT alone has deployed nearly 10 times more storage than PJM, MISO, SPP, and the Southeast combined.”
If anything, Texas’ solar and grid battery industries have been a victim of their own success. In Texas, where battery projects are brought online by investors seeking profits in the energy markets, generators make money by selling when prices are high. The same lower prices that show batteries are making the grid more stable are also revenues that battery operators are no longer getting.
“We’ve added so much battery capacity that they’ve cannibalized, they’ve eaten their own lunch,” Beaufils told me. “The situation’s a bit difficult for those operators.” California’s battery storage sector, by contrast, originated with a state mandate for utilities, jumpstarting the industry by force.
Of course, these types of cycles are nothing new to the energy business, especially in Texas.
“ERCOT’s characterized by these boom-bust cycles, and so the market’s never perfectly going to be in a supply-demand equilibrium,” Kevin Lee, head of advisory services for the central U.S. at Aurora Energy Research, told me. “Sometimes you have a little bit less capacity than you need, sometimes a little bit more. But generally, whenever you have a little bit less, the price signals go up, and then that’s driving more investment.”
While Texas still leads the country in battery additions so far this year, other states besides California are beginning to catch up, including Arizona. Thankfully, there’s still more sun yet to store.
Voltpost announced two new models today designed to mount on walls and ceilings.
Voltpost, the company putting electric vehicle chargers on lampposts, is now expanding to parking garages.
On Wednesday, the company unveiled two new configurations that can attach to the walls and ceilings of parking garages, lots, and other locations without easy access to streetlights or utility poles. Like Voltpost’s signature pole-mounted design, the ceiling- and wall-mounted options avoid the expensive construction work required by freestanding charging infrastructure. In theory at least, that should allow the company to deploy more chargers faster.
“Our mission has always been to decarbonize mobility by democratizing charging access,” Jeff Prosserman, Voltpost’s co-founder and CEO, told me. “And the real value proposition is that, when you can leverage the existing infrastructure, you can significantly reduce the cost, the timeline, and the physical footprint of chargers.”
The second Trump administration hasn’t made things easy. Almost immediately after taking office, Trump officials began slashing Biden-era programs designed to support the EV charging buildout, including the National Electric Vehicle Infrastructure and Charging and Fueling Infrastructure programs. Along with a handful of environmental groups, 17 states sued in May of last year to force the federal government to release NEVI funding and quickly received a preliminary injunction unfreezing the program. A similar group sued in December over the CFI funding, and though that case is still pending, Prosserman told me he expects to see a positive resolution before the end of the year.
Though the death of the EV tax credit has shrunk its addressable market, Voltpost has emerged relatively unscathed. “Honestly, that doesn’t really impact us at all,” Prosserman told Heatmap’s Katie Brigham last year. “At the end of the day, EV adoption will either increase X or Y percent in a given year, but it’s going to continue to increase year over year. We’re past the tipping point, going from early adopters into the mainstream.”
That said, he also told Katie that the company was taking a “more conservative approach” to growth as climate tech investment dried up. Voltpost itself also received several federal grants that are still in limbo. Instead, the company focused on its strategic partnerships with the likes of AT&T and Zipcar, and in July signed an agreement with InCharge Energy to handle installation and maintenance. To date, Voltpost’s funders include RWE Energy Transition Investments, a private equity vehicle within German energy giant RWE, alongside Twynam Funds Management, Exelon Foundation, Good News Ventures, and Climate Capital.
Like its lamppost chargers, Voltpost’s wall- and ceiling-mount kits work with Tesla and non-Tesla vehicles alike, and come with demand management software that responds to electricity time-of-use price signals to enable cheaper charging where and when possible. As for the cost of the kits and how many the company plans to install initially, Prosserman wouldn’t say.
Since deploying its first lamppost chargers in New York in 2024, Voltpost has expanded into California, Massachusetts, and Washington, D.C., among other states. It has more than 100 deployments in the pipeline through the end of this year, and is aiming for 10,000 by 2030. The point, Prosserman told me, is not to stand out in these communities, but rather to fit in.
“It’s not going to be just about greenfield project development if we’re going to decarbonize a planet across all aspects,” Prosserman said. “We’re really looking at building something that’s integrated, that fits in the fabric of the built environment and communities.”