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Building new capacity isn’t always as straightforward as it sounds.
When you think of companies whose valuations are soaring due to artificial intelligence, the ones that come to mind first are probably the chip designer Nvidia, whose shares are up 180% this year, or Elon Musk’s xAI, which its investors recently valued at $50 billion.
But aside from those, some of the best performing companies of this year have been those that own or supply equipment for the power plants that generate the energy to run all that AI infrastructure in the first place.
GE Vernova’s gas turbine orders have almost doubled so far this year, chief executive Scott Strazik said in an October earnings call; since then, the company has secured orders for another nearly 9 gigawatts’ worth of turbines in the U.S., the company said in an investor presentation Tuesday. “I can’t think of a time that the gas business has had more fun than they’re having right now,” Strazik told investors. The company’s stock is up almost 150% from the end of 2023.
Vistra, which owns over 40,000 megawatts of generation assets, including around 6,500 megawatts of nuclear power plants and more than two dozen gas-fired power plants, is planning on developing 2,000 megawatts of natural gas capacity, its chief executive Jim Burke said in November; its share price is up 272% for the year. The utility Entergy, which last week signed a deal with Meta to power a planned data center in northeastern Louisiana, is up 45%. Compare those impressive results to the S&P 500, which is up a healthy but comparatively modest 27% on the year.
Much of that enthusiasm comes from huge expected increases in energy demand. Grid Strategies, an energy policy consulting firm, last week updated its forecast for energy demand growth over the next five years, raising it from an increase of 39 gigawatts as of the end of 2023 to a rise of 128 gigawatts. That works out to annual projected growth of around 3%, compared to less than 1% annual growth in the first two decades of this century.
Where will all that additional energy come from? “Quite frankly, in the next five years, we’re going to see a lot of new gas turbines being built,” Cy McGeady, a fellow at the Center for Strategic and International Studies, told me, adding that the “prospects are good for a natural gas boom.”
The data centers that are driving renewable demand tend to require a constant flow of energy at all times — except when their power demands surge — while renewables are intermittent and may be far away from planned load growth. While so-called hyperscalers such as Amazon, Meta, and Google have made deals to support the development of 24/7 clean power sources like nuclear, the most optimistic time frame for any of these new developments to start producing power is sometime in the early 2030s.
Rob Gramlich, the president of Grid Strategies, told me the technology companies generating all this demand growth typically want it satisfied with renewables, but “they really need transmission in order to do that.”
“If everyone had done this 10 years ago, we could have connected a lot of generation a lot quicker. It could have been a lot cleaner generation mix,” Gramlich told me. Now, though, even if a utility wants to build solar, wind, and storage that can provide power at costs comparable to new gas, “it’s only available as an option if you build the grid infrastructure ahead of time,” he said.
McGeady agrees. “It’s the only path forward,” he said of natural gas. “Nobody is willing to not build the next data center because of inability to access renewables.”
But therein lies the difficulty: While natural gas plants are not as transmission-dependent as renewables, some analysts worry that even gas generators won’t be able to respond quickly enough to the increase in demand.
“When we look at the hot spots of Data Center development, in the U.S. and around the world, we see a significant overlap with regions that have favorable policy support for natural gas,” Morgan Stanley analysts wrote in a note to clients. And yet, “there will in our view be a significant shortfall in available U.S. power grid access relative to the magnitude of new data centers needed to ‘absorb’ the AI equipment purchases over the next several years, with the bottleneck becoming apparent in mid-to-late 2025,” the analysts wrote.
The utilities in these areas — places like Georgia, Arizona, and North Carolina — are indeed building new natural gas capacity. In other places where the laws and regulations aren’t as favorable to gas development, however, analysts expect to see more data centers sited at existing power plants. Some of those may be powered by fossil fuels, as in the case of a New Jersey facility recently taken over by the cloud computing company Core Weave, while others may wind up taking zero-carbon power off the grid, as Amazon attempted to do with the Susquehanna nuclear station in Pennsylvania.
Building new natural gas capacity is more difficult in the PJM Interconnection, the country’s largest electricity market, which spans the Eastern Seaboard and a large chunk of the Midwest. Its leadership is hoping high prices can lure new gas generation, but the complexity and uncertainty of the system’s reward structure for companies that agree to supply failsafe capacity has hindered the massive new investment PJM says it needs.
Some clean energy advocates argue that utilities are being short-sighted in their plans to develop new gas resources that could be around for decades — well past corporate, state, or national goals for electric system decarbonization.
“They’re used to building gas plants more so than they’re used to building other things. It reflects a lack of creativity on their part,” Michelle Solomon, a senior policy analyst at Energy Innovation, told me.
But until the system for building and paying for transmission can be reformed to clarify who pays for what and what transmission can be built where — as federal regulators and Congress are trying to do — utilities will likely default to what they know best.
“The difficulty of building transmission certainly can constrain utilities’ ability to serve new load, and it can constrain the ability to serve the load with clean generation,” Gramlich told me.
Chris Seiple, Wood Mackenzie’s vice president of energy transition and power and renewables, echoed Gramlich’s thought in a note from October. “The constraint is not the demand for renewables,” he wrote, “but the ability to get through permitting, interconnection, and building out the transmission system accordingly.”
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And more of this week’s top renewable energy fights across the country.
1. Otsego County, Michigan – The Mitten State is proving just how hard it can be to build a solar project in wooded areas. Especially once Fox News gets involved.
2. Atlantic County, New Jersey – Opponents of offshore wind in Atlantic City are trying to undo an ordinance allowing construction of transmission cables that would connect the Atlantic Shores offshore wind project to the grid.
3. Benton County, Washington – Sorry Scout Clean Energy, but the Yakima Nation is coming for Horse Heaven.
Here’s what else we’re watching right now…
In Connecticut, officials have withdrawn from Vineyard Wind 2 — leading to the project being indefinitely shelved.
In Indiana, Invenergy just got a rejection from Marshall County for special use of agricultural lands.
In Kansas, residents in Dickinson County are filing legal action against county commissioners who approved Enel’s Hope Ridge wind project.
In Kentucky, a solar project was actually approved for once – this time for the East Kentucky Power Cooperative.
In North Carolina, Davidson County is getting a solar moratorium.
In Pennsylvania, the town of Unity rejected a solar project. Elsewhere in the state, the developer of the Newton 1 solar project is appealing their denial.
In South Carolina, a state appeals court has upheld the rejection of a 2,300 acre solar project proposed by Coastal Pine Solar.
In Washington State, Yakima County looks like it’ll keep its solar moratorium in place.
And more of this week’s top policy news around renewables.
1. Trump’s Big Promise – Our nation’s incoming president is now saying he’ll ban all wind projects on Day 1, an expansion of his previous promise to stop only offshore wind.
2. The Big Nuclear Lawsuit – Texas and Utah are suing to kill the Nuclear Regulatory Commission’s authority to license small modular reactors.
3. Biden’s parting words – The Biden administration has finished its long-awaited guidance for the IRA’s tech-neutral electricity credit (which barely changed) and hydrogen production credit.
A conversation with J. Timmons Roberts, executive director of Brown University’s Climate Social Science Network
This week’s interview is with Brown University professor J. Timmons Roberts. Those of you familiar with the fight over offshore wind may not know Roberts by name, but you’re definitely familiar with his work: He and his students have spearheaded some of the most impactful research conducted on anti-offshore wind opposition networks. This work is a must-read for anyone who wants to best understand how the anti-renewables movement functions and why it may be difficult to stop it from winning out.
So with Trump 2.0 on the verge of banning offshore wind outright, I decided to ask Roberts what he thinks developers should be paying attention to at this moment. The following interview has been lightly edited for clarity.
Is the anti-renewables movement a political force the country needs to reckon with?
Absolutely. In my opinion it’s been unfortunate for the environmental groups, the wind development, the government officials, climate scientists – they’ve been unwilling to engage directly with those groups. They want to keep a very positive message talking about the great things that come with wind and solar. And they’ve really left the field open as a result.
I think that as these claims sit there unrefuted and naive people – I don’t mean naive in a negative sense but people who don’t know much about this issue – are only hearing the negative spin about renewables. It’s a big problem.
When you say renewables developers aren’t interacting here – are you telling me the wind industry is just letting these people run roughshod?
I’ve seen no direct refutation in those anti-wind Facebook groups, and there’s very few environmentalists or others. People are quite afraid to go in there.
But even just generally. This vast network you’ve tracked – have you seen a similar kind of counter mobilization on the part of those who want to build these wind farms offshore?
There’s some mobilization. There’s something called the New England for Offshore Wind coalition. There’s some university programs. There’s some other oceanographic groups, things like that.
My observation is that they’re mostly staff organizations and they’re very cautious. They’re trying to work as a coalition. And they’re going as slow as their most cautious member.
As someone who has researched these networks, what are you watching for in the coming year? Under the first year of Trump 2.0?
Yeah I mean, channeling my optimistic and Midwestern dad, my thought is that there may be an overstepping by the Trump administration and by some of these activists. The lack of viable alternative pathways forward and almost anti-climate approaches these groups are now a part of can backfire for them. Folks may say, why would I want to be supportive of your group if you’re basically undermining everything I believe in?
What do you think developers should know about the research you have done into these networks?
I think it's important for deciding bodies and the public, the media and so on, to know who they’re hearing when they hear voices at a public hearing or in a congressional field hearing. Who are the people representing? Whose voice are they advancing?
It’s important for these actors that want to advance action on climate change and renewables to know what strategies and the tactics are being used and also know about the connections.
One of the things you pointed out in your research is that, yes, there are dark money groups involved in this movement and there are outside figures involved, but a lot of this sometimes is just one person posts something to the internet and then another person posts something to the internet.
Does that make things harder when it comes to addressing the anti-renewables movement?
Absolutely. Social media’s really been devastating for developing science and informed, rational public policymaking. It’s so easy to create a conspiracy and false information and very slanted, partial information to shoot holes at something as big as getting us off of fossil fuels.
Our position has developed as we understand that indeed these are not just astro-turf groups created by some far away corporation but there are legitimate concerns – like fishing, where most of it is based on certainty – and then there are these sensationalized claims that drive fears. That fear is real. And it’s unfortunate.
Anything else you’d really like to tell our readers?
I didn’t really choose this topic. I feel like it really got me. It was me and four students sitting in my conference room down the hall and I said, have you heard about this group that just started here in Rhode Island that’s making these claims we should investigate? And students were super excited about it and have really been the leaders.