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An upcoming lease sale will be historic — but also quite risky for offshore wind.

The Biden administration will be holding the first ever auction for the right to develop offshore wind farms in the Gulf of Mexico on Tuesday. The sale represents a hopeful, historic shift for the region, where the economy has long been defined by oil and gas.
But wind energy is not a sure bet in the Gulf — at least not yet. Slower winds and frequent hurricanes will raise costs and require new turbine designs. Low power prices in the area and a lack of supportive policy make for an uncertain market. These hurdles mount on top of what is already a tumultuous time for the industry. Costs for offshore wind farms on the East Coast have soared due to high interest rates, inflation, and supply chain constraints.
“The business case in the Gulf of Mexico for offshore wind is very vague, and very uncertain,” Chelsea Jean-Michel, a wind analyst at BloombergNEF, told me. “It doesn't really make a lot of sense.”
The Bureau of Ocean Energy Management has put up three areas for sale in the Gulf, which it estimates will produce about 3.7 gigawatts of energy once developed, or enough to power nearly 1.3 million homes. Two of the areas are 30 to 40 miles off the coast of Galveston, Texas, while the third is closer to Lake Charles, Louisiana, just over 40 miles offshore.
Analysts expect Tuesday’s auction to be uncompetitive and the leases to sell for low prices that bake in uncertainty. Sixteen wind developers have signed up to participate, including legacy oil companies Shell, TotalEnergies (formerly known as Total), and Equinor, as well as renewable-focused companies that have offshore projects in the Northeast, like Invenergy, and newcomers, like energyRe. But they may not all end up putting in bids. More than 40 entities were registered to bid on offshore leases in California last December, but only seven ultimately took part in the auction.
The federal government has been studying offshore wind development in the Gulf of Mexico for years. In 2020, National Renewable Energy Lab scientists published an assessment of different types of energy resources that could go in the Gulf, including wave energy and ocean-based solar panels. The authors found that offshore wind had the most potential, by far, but would face numerous challenges, and likely be more expensive than offshore wind energy in the Northeast.
For one, engineers need to design turbines that can safely and economically produce energy in the Gulf’s unique weather conditions. Most of the time, the Gulf has lower wind speeds than the coasts, but other times, it has hurricane-force gales. The report called this “a challenging design optimization problem” and says that a new class of turbines will be needed. I spoke to Walter Musiel, one of the authors, who said that this was doable, and that turbines have since been installed in typhoon-prone areas in Asia that will provide some helpful data. The challenge, he said, will be building a supply chain for turbines with bigger rotors, and figuring out how intense future hurricanes could be in order to design blades that are strong enough.
The Gulf also has advantages that the report said could offset some of these expenses. Smaller waves and shallower water could lower capital costs for installation and maintenance. The report also cited “lower labor costs” in the region. However, workers there are currently fighting to ensure jobs in offshore wind depart from the low-wage, unsafe, exploitative conditions that pervade the local construction and offshore oil industries.
Another big advantage, though, is the maturity of the area’s offshore oil industry. “Despite low winds, the Gulf of Mexico is uniquely positioned,” wrote David Foulon, the managing director for offshore wind at TotalEnergies, in comments to BOEM, “thanks to its unequaled history of offshore expertise, established industrial supply chain, strength of workforce base, and maritime assets’ pool that can drive the growth of offshore wind in the U.S. to new heights and spread around the world thereafter.”
Justin Williams, the vice president of communications at the National Ocean Industries Association, told me Gulf Coast companies have already brought their expertise to offshore wind construction in the Northeast. “Take the Block Island Wind Farm offshore Rhode Island,” he said. “Gulf Island Fabrication built the steel jackets for its foundations and Montco Offshore provided heavy lift vessels to move the equipment on site.”
The National Renewable Energy Lab study took these benefits into account. But it still found that offshore wind energy would be pricier in the Gulf of Mexico than elsewhere. While the lab expects the average cost of offshore wind to land at $63 per megawatt-hour by 2030, it estimated that Gulf wind would cost in the range of $73 to $91 per megawatt-hour by that date. That could make it harder for Gulf wind projects to compete in local energy markets, which have lower power prices than the Northeast.
The region also lacks the policy support found in the Northeast. Massachusetts plans to contract 5,700 megawatts by 2027, New York has a goal of 9,000 megawatts by 2035, and New Jersey recently increased its goal to 11,000 megawatts by 2040. These policies gave developers a level of certainty that there would be a buyer for the electricity generated. Although Louisiana has a Climate Action Plan that recommends the state procure 5,000 megawatts of offshore wind energy by 2035, it’s not legally binding and no utilities have included offshore wind in their resource plans yet.
“They’re the only state down there that has expressed any interest,” Samantha Woodworth, a senior research analyst for North America wind at Wood Mackenzie, told me in an email. “Unless there are state-driven procurement targets or unless the project can produce power at significantly lower cost than what has bid elsewhere in the U.S. and somehow balance that with sufficient project returns, [offshore wind] projects down there are likely to be uneconomic.”
In public comments submitted to BOEM, the American Clean Power Association, the leading industry group for offshore wind, also warned that the leases would not provide developers with the certainty needed to establish a local workforce or supply chain. It urged the agency to either increase the number of leases or establish a regular leasing schedule. But this is the only such sale the agency has announced to date.
However, when I reached out to American Clean Power to ask how its members were approaching this uncertain environment, the group echoed Total’s optimism about the strengths of the local workforce and supply chain. “The region is eager to get into the offshore wind game, and developers understand both the challenges and opportunities that exist in building in the Gulf Coast,” spokesperson Phil Sgro said by email.
Jenny Netherton, a senior program manager at the Southeastern Wind Coalition, which is made up of nonprofits and energy companies, told me that there’s a lot of room for innovation and to try “different routes to market.” For example, developers could forgo the energy market altogether and sell their electricity directly to industrial clients, such as incoming green hydrogen production facilities. Louisiana currently produces 30% of the country’s hydrogen through a polluting process using natural gas. But the federal government has billions of dollars in grants and subsidies available to develop new facilities that produce it with renewable electricity.
If turbines do go up in the Gulf, it may not be until 2034-2035, according to BloombergNEF. This means that communities who are looking forward to the clean energy and economic benefits of a new offshore wind industry could end up waiting a lot longer than they might have hoped.
Local environmental justice groups are already frustrated that the BOEM did not include an incentive for developers to create community benefits in the lease terms. The lease terms for the recent offshore wind sale in California gave companies up to a 10% discount on their purchase if they pledged to spend a comparable amount on community benefits, such as hiring commitments, job training, or economic contributions. If fulfilled, nearly $53 million will go toward these agreements in California.
“It was disappointing to see,” said Jackson Voss, climate policy coordinator for the Louisiana-based Alliance for Affordable Energy. “I don't think that it makes very much sense for different regions of the country to receive different benefits, especially considering the Biden administration’s commitment to environmental justice.”
The Gulf lease terms have a similar provision but it is limited to investments in local workforce training, supply chains, and a fisheries fund that will be used to compensate fishermen for potential losses. A spokesperson for BOEM told me the agency determined it would be too challenging to implement community benefits agreements in the Gulf equitably “due to the number and variety of community groups.”
Overall, the challenges facing Gulf offshore wind are representative of a theme that runs through renewable energy development. As much as the costs for technologies like wind and solar have plunged, what works in one place may not work in another. The cost of offshore wind in the Gulf may never match the cost of offshore wind in the Atlantic. But as Netherton said, there’s still a lot of room for innovation.
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Hint: It’s one that tends to align with utilities.
Building trades want to build.
This desire for more and better big projects has meant that unions representing construction workers, utility linemen, operating engineers, plumbers, pipefitters, and so on have spent past decade-plus ping-ponging between praise and exasperation toward major Democratic priorities, especially when it comes to climate and energy policy.
Now, with a permitting bill negotiated by two Democrats and two Republicans in the Senate, much of the hardhat union sector is signing on as eager supporters. If the rest of the Democratic coalition can sign on to the bill, it may go some way to repairing a breach that has been widening since the Obama administration.
The modern fight over U.S. energy infrastructure began with a Canadian pipeline project.
Building trades were some of the most fervent advocates for the Keystone XL pipeline, which would have brought oil from the tar sands of Canada’s Alberta province into the continental United States — a project that Presidents Barack Obama and Joe Biden both opposed and which the latter finally canceled in 2021.
In the interim, the first Trump administration tested these unions’ historic allegiance with Democrats as the left became more vocal on climate policy. After Senator Ed Markey and Representative Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez released their Green New Deal outline in 2019, the AFL-CIO sent the two progressives a letter saying their plan “makes promises that are not achievable or realistic.” The signatories also included the United Mine Workers, the International Brotherhood of Electrical Workers, and eight more building trades, hardhat unions and federations that would be threatened by a rapid transition to 100% renewable energy. The signatory unions represented a little under 3 million of the AFL-CIO’s then roughly 12.5 million members.
“The broad trajectory is that the building trades unions have been supportive of building pretty much anything, whether it’s fossil, whether it’s data centers, whether it’s clean energy,” Todd Tucker, director of the industrial policy and trade program at the Roosevelt Institute, told me.
Actual Democratic policymaking turned out to be more favorable to unions, with infrastructure spending, money for domestic manufacturing, prevailing wage requirements, and subsidies for nuclear power and carbon capture all spurring infrastructure work during the Biden years. North America’s Building Trades Unions described the 2021 bipartisan infrastructure law as the “single greatest infrastructure investment in our nation’s history,” while the Laborers’ International Union of North America, a.k.a. LIUNA, praised the 2022 Inflation Reduction Act for “taking a commonsense approach to our energy needs.”
Now, it’s environmental groups that are either opposed to or mum on a piece of infrastructure legislation — the Bipartisan American Affordability and Jobs Act — while most of the building trades support it.
The United Association of Journeymen and Apprentices of the Plumbing and Pipefitting Industry of the United States and Canada, otherwise known as the UA, signed the anti-Green New Deal letter and had a project labor agreement with the developer of the Keystone XL pipeline, but came out in support of the permitting deal. So did LIUNA and the International Union of Operating Engineers.
“In our industry, uncertainty means one thing: unemployment,” UA General President Mark McManus said in a statement. “It is long past time that Congress enacts meaningful permitting reform to put UA members to work faster.”
LIUNA’s president Brent Booker described BAAJA in a statement as a “monumental bipartisan permitting reform bill,” and urged “lawmakers in both parties to seize this moment, pass the Bipartisan American Affordability and Jobs Act of 2026, and finally deliver meaningful permitting reform.”
John Downey, the president of the Operating Engineers union, which signed a letter imploring the Biden-Harris transition team to maintain the Keystone pipeline’s permits, said in a statement that the union “applauds the bipartisan effort” on BAAJA, and that the “Operating Engineers look forward to working with Congress to pass this critical bipartisan bill.” Other Keystone XL supporters including the National Association of Manufacturers and the Chamber of Commerce have also come out in support of BAAJA.
There are a few industry and union players, however, that have been notably more circumspect: groups representing utilities and the International Brotherhood of Electrical Workers.
The Edison Electric Institute, the trade group for investor-owned utilities, has in the past supported overhauling the National Environmental Policy Act and Clean Water Act, which the bill would do. The group’s chief executive, Drew Maloney, told reporters after the release of the bill text that it was “encouraged” by the permitting provisions in BAAJA and was “reviewing” the transmission provisions.
The transmission provisions are largely seen as hostile to incumbent utilities. Many in Washington — especially Republicans — see them as a sign of decreasing utility clout. The bill would encourage and enable greater state and federal oversight of utilities’ infrastructure buildouts and would restrict the utilities’ “right of first refusal” on building new transmission lines. Many ratepayer advocates argue that these projects do more to build out the utility rate base than to increase grid reliability
This stance — supportive of permitting reforms, wary of grid provisions — puts utilities in a kind of mirror image with big environmental groups like the Natural Resources Defense Council, which is friendly to the transmission portions of the bill but skeptical of the permitting portions.
Senator Kevin Cramer, a North Dakota Republican and himself a former utility regulator, warned utilities to “not get carried away” in trying to push for changes to the deal, Punchbowl News reported.
“What I’m really watching these days around the Senate BAAJA bill is where does the IBEW end up,” Tucker told me.
An IBEW spokesperson told me the union is “reviewing the language and holding discussions with stakeholders across our industries. We represent workers across affected industries (utilities, transmission, construction, etc.), so the details are very important.”
The IBEW has just over 900,000 members, including construction electricians, utility linemen, technicians, and operators, with particularly strong representation within utilities. The union also has special political influence due to its large and widespread membership — anywhere there’s a power line, there’s likely one of the IBEW’s more than 800 locals.
Utility watchdogs like David Pomerantz, executive director of the Energy and Policy Institute, are not surprised to see utilities and the IBEW taking similar (non-)stances toward the bill.
He told me the IBEW is a particularly potent force on issues affecting utilities because “they’re a more acceptable face to the Democratic electorate,” referring to their lobbying in blue states and of Democratic politicians. “Among Democrats, the IBEW right now is much more palatable than the utilities.” The IBEW has been a counterweight to the Democrats’ and the public’s increasingly harsh turn against data centers, for instance, opposing moratoria in New England, the Mountain West, New York, and the Kansas City area.
The IBEW has also weighed in on more fine-grained utility policy, including right-of-first-refusal, well before the release of BAAJA. A union policy brief describes these as policies that “prioritize unionized utilities for critical projects, safeguarding labor standards and ensuring safe and efficient energy infrastructure development.” In Illinois, an IBEW local intervened in a rate case to oppose a proposed cut in the return on equity for local utility ComEd.
But the IBEW has also won project labor agreements for the type of long distance, high-voltage transmission projects that many climate and clean energy advocates hope the bill encourages.
“Some of their members work for the utilities and the utilities are getting rolled by this legislation, but some of the members work in construction and building,” Tucker told me.
The question going forward for the union, he said, is “do you align your union strategy with the current business model of your current employers? Or do you make a bet that these new jobs that are getting created and new builds are going to net out positive?”
On Indonesia’s climate win, hacking renewables, and John Cena’s ad
Current conditions: A tropical rainstorm in the southwestern Gulf of Mexico, likely strengthening into what would become Tropical Storm Isaias, is poised to dump rain on the southeastern United States and may become the Atlantic’s first major hurricane of the year • Italy is bracing for a type of heavy rainstorm known as a nubifragio, set to soak Naples and Rome later this week • The Dome Fire in Yosemite National Park has burned about 7,000 acres, and officials determined it was sparked by humans.
If you can’t wait a decade or more for a new Westinghouse AP1000 or one of the small modular reactors under development, your best bet to get more nuclear electricity is probably to upgrade an existing reactor to squeeze more power out of it, a process known as “uprating.” In February, the Department of Energy gave out its largest-ever loan to Southern Company to fund up to 6 gigawatts of uprates across the utility’s nuclear fleet. Last week, Amazon inked a 20-year deal with Constellation, the nation’s largest operator of nuclear reactors, to buy power from and uprate the Calvert Cliffs plant in Maryland. Google has now signed a deal with Constellation aimed at wringing out 890 megawatts of new power from 11 reactors across PJM Interconnection, the nation’s second-largest and arguably most stressed grid system. Asked whether the uprates are a sufficient replacement for building new reactors, Raiford Smith, Google’s head of power and energy for the cloud, said there was plenty of demand to go around. “New data centers are coming on at a gigawatt a clip,” he told me yesterday. “That means even with all the uprates, there’s still more to come.” Software giant Oracle also announced a deal last week to buy $300 million of nuclear power from a NextEra nuclear plant in Wisconsin to help fund its increased fuel costs.
In a sign of progress on the country’s leading SMR design, the Texas grid has officially received an application for one of GE Vernova Hitachi Nuclear Energy’s BWRX-300 reactors. The 300-megawatt unit borrows from GE’s decades-long history of building boiling water reactors, and has a leg up on other SMRs given that Ontario Power Generation and the Tennessee Valley Authority, two of the continent’s biggest state-owned utilities, are building the first and second BWRX-300s, respectively. But the application to connect to the Electric Reliability Council of Texas’ power lines comes, per Bloomberg, from Blue Energy Global, a developer that has promised to build out modular power stations that convert seamlessly from gas to nuclear. While the company considers itself “reactor-agnostic,” it’s first focused on building out plants with the BWRX-300.
The Indonesian government has halted the clearing of an area of rainforest in Papua roughly the size of Maryland to make way for farmland to grow crops for food and biofuels. In twin announcements at a sustainability forum in Jakarta, Hashim Djojohadikusumo, President Prabowo Subianto’s special envoy for climate and energy, said the government would shift rice and sugarcane projects to degraded land, delivering a victory to both conservationists who sought to preserve vital habitats and carbon sinks and activists who sought to preserve indigenous cultures who depend on the forests. “This decision renews Indonesia’s leadership in showing how to expand agriculture while protecting nature,” Glenn Hurowitz, the founder and chief executive of the advocacy group Mighty Earth, said in a statement. In a post on X, journalist Michael Grunwald, who authored a landmark book about the climate impact of food production, called the news “a massive victory for the planet.”
For the past 18 years, John Murdock, an attorney and self-described conservative Christian, has served in the legal division at the Department of the Interior. But he resigned abruptly last month over what he called the Trump administration’s “deeply troubling assault on the rule of law.” Under the administration, he wrote in a blistering resignation letter obtained by the investigative site Public Domain, the “all of the above” energy strategy “has seemingly morphed into ‘one of the above,’ solely focused on fossil fuels.” Murdock highlighted “recent decisions to shutter nearly complete offshore wind projects and to pay TotalEnergies hundreds of millions of dollars to renounce wind leases” as examples of “an assault on logic and the American taxpayer.” He added: “We are headed in the wrong direction.
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About a week ago, I told you the European Union was considering delaying implementation of its methane rule by a year to avoid jacking up prices on imported gas even higher when exporters inevitably fell short of the bloc’s strict reporting requirements for emissions throughout the fossil fuel supply chain. Well, it’s happened. European Commission President Ursula von der Leyen told EU lawmakers the postponement would save money. Her energy minister, Dan Jørgensen, cautioned that “we do not foresee this to be more than one year,” Reuters reported.
Meanwhile, Dutch researchers at the internet-scanning firm Modat told Reuters that hackers could seize full control of roughly 181 wind and solar sites around Europe and tamper with the administrative systems of thousands more. One wind turbine’s web page showed live data, “start,” “stop,” and “reset” buttons, and the turbine locations. “What we can map in hours, an attacker can map in hours too,” the report said. The researchers encouraged operators to take admin interfaces off the internet immediately.
Japanese automakers may be notoriously behind China on making electric vehicle batteries. But Suzuki has just released its first electric kei car — that beloved category of ulta-compact Japanese vehicles — using BYD’s batteries but undercutting the Chinese auto giant’s cheapest EV. The new Suzuki e-SKY will beat out BYD’s Racco as Japan’s cheapest mini EV, starting at about $13,500, according to Electrek.

The renewables industry is tapping in a WWE champion to make its case. John Cena stars in a new ad series backed by a consortium of wind and solar companies. “How powerful is clean energy?” he asks. “Pretend this is solar,” he says, flexing his right bicep. Flexing the left, he says: “And this is wind.” He then proceeds to obliterate a boulder by punching it into a statue of himself. It’s funny and charming.
Rob talks with the U.S. auto giant”s VP of batteries and sustainability, Kurt Kelty.
There are two big trends in the American battery sector at the moment. The first is that the electric vehicle market is deteriorating. GM, for instance, sold just 25,000 EVs in the third quarter of this year. Ford sold 6,000 EVs. Even the long-awaited return of the Chevy Bolt sold just 8,000 units — a small fraction of the vehicle’s already-limited production run. At the same time, the data center boom and the return of electricity growth is boosting batteries of all kinds not designed to power EVs.
Our guest today is in charge of navigating those opposing trends and figuring out what comes next. Kurt Kelty started his career at Panasonic in 1993, where he led the company’s battery research lab. He then went on to Tesla, helping to build the first Gigafactory. Since February 2024, he’s been vice president of battery and sustainability at GM. We talked about manufacturing generally, how the U.S. battery manufacturing sector should look, and how companies should be structured to compete globally, even though they’re making batteries for a mostly U.S. audience.
Shift Key is hosted by Robinson Meyer, the founding executive editor of Heatmap News.
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Here is an excerpt from their conversation:
Robinson Meyer: In 2024, GM retired the Ultium brand, except for the Ultium cells. And I would say that as an outsider, unlike other domestic automakers, the whole GM stack — where you have a single battery design that you then slot into different vehicles — seems to be working, and certainly seems to be producing profitable vehicles in a way that other automakers’ approaches were not.
So why retire the Ultium name? In traditional automakers, you talk about platforms and different cars designed on the same platform. But are there going to be a few platforms at GM, each with their own chemistry, and then you design different vehicles on top of that? Why get rid of Ultium when it seemed to be working?
Kurt Kelty: Yeah, so the way I look at the future when EV volumes really start to ramp up, we’re going to need prismatic form factor, pouch form factor, cylindrical form factor. We’re going to need nickel cell, high-nickel cells. We’re going to need some LMR cells. We’re going to need some LFP cells. We’re going to need it all. What we do here at GM is we design the right battery for the right application. And generally, depending on the need, you may need high-nickel. You may need LFP. Most likely, you’re going to need LMR in most of our applications. That’s what we think. And in some cases, the prismatic form factor will work best. In other cases, the cylindrical form factor will work best.
I do not see a future where we’re standardizing on a single chemistry or a single form factor. We tried to do that in the battery industry in the late ’90s when I was in the business, and all the laptop companies got together and said, we’re going to make a standard form factor, so we’re going to drive down costs. We made the form factor. Everybody signed up for it. Nobody used it. And nobody used it because it was ... The way to really customize your laptop was the battery. Everything else had been standardized.
At that point they had the hard drive, you had the floppy and the screen, and all those were standard components. The battery was the way you made it custom. And with EVs, it’s the same thing. The battery is going to decide your driving range, your acceleration, your space in the car, your safety of the car. I mean, it just determines so much about how fast you can charge it. All these things are determined by the battery. And so you’re not going to see a standard.
And so at GM, we are preparing for that by having this battery innovation center, this electrification powerhouse that we’ve got. It’s something that we’re really proud of. And in the future, we’re going to really take advantage of this.
You can find a full transcript of the episode here.
Mentioned:
The Senate’s Big Bipartisan Permitting Deal, Explained
On Rivian’s record-setting Q3
Previously on Shift Key: Data Centers Are Creating a New Kind of Battery Monster
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