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The Biden administration’s historic auction went even worse than expected on Tuesday. Here’s why.
The Biden administration’s historic auction for the rights to develop offshore wind in the Gulf of Mexico on Tuesday morning was something of a flop. Developers were even more hesitant to invest than expected, and no one wanted to be the first to try and build wind farms off the coast of Texas.
Though sixteen companies showed interest in the sale, only two participated, and the event was over after just two rounds of bidding. Both companies vied for a lease area near Lake Charles, Louisiana, with RWE, a German multinational energy company, making the winning offer of $5.6 million, or about $54 per acre. Two other leases for sale near Galveston, Texas, were rejected entirely.
It’s been a rough few months for the offshore wind industry. Projects underway in the Northeast are struggling to fight misinformation about whale deaths and facing higher costs than expected due to high interest rates, inflation, and supply chain issues.
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It’s possible those challenges played into Tuesday's lackluster sale in the Gulf, where the business case for developing offshore wind energy is already relatively uncertain. The region experiences lower wind speeds than the East Coast, but infrastructure must also be fortified to withstand regular hurricanes. Texas and Louisiana also have relatively low electricity rates, which will make it harder for offshore wind projects to compete for utility contracts.
But these factors don’t entirely explain the response. An auction held in December for the rights to develop floating offshore wind farms off the coast of California — another economically challenging prospect — played out over 31 roundfs as companies vied for five lease areas. They sold for an average of $2,061 per acre.
The lack of interest in the two Texas areas may have more to do with politics than the Gulf’s unique weather. The state has not put forward any goals or intentions to procure electricity from offshore wind projects or otherwise support the industry. In fact, Lone Star lawmakers have become increasingly hostile to the idea in recent months. Republican state Senator Mayes Middleton sponsored a bill earlier this year that would allow the Texas General Land Office to deny permits for transmission lines to connect offshore wind projects to the state’s grid.
In July, Middleton criticized the Biden administration’s “wind boondoggle” on X (formerly Twitter), writing that it “puts nearly $900 billion of ship channels economic impact at risk and will destroy grid frequency in our grid,” and vowed to “re-file the bill to stop it.”
Texas Land Commissioner Dawn Buckingham jumped into the conversation, noting that she has “serious concerns” about offshore wind development near Galveston. “Texans deserve reliable and dispatchable energy.”
In mid-August, a member of Texas’ Railroad Commission, the agency that regulates the oil and gas industry, penned a letter to Buckingham and Governor Greg Abbott urging them to “stop President Biden’s offshore wind farms from invading the Gulf of Mexico, which endanger our Gulf Coast by harming delicate ecologies and vital industries and further cripple our electrical grid with more unreliable power.”
These views are supported by the Texas Public Policy Foundation, an influential conservative think tank based in Austin that receives millions of dollars from fossil fuel interests and has a history of opposing efforts to fight climate change. The group has already attempted to sue the Biden administration over Vineyard Wind, an offshore wind project under development near Massachusetts, claiming it would harm the commercial fishing industry.
Bo Delp, executive director of the Texas Climate Jobs Project, a nonprofit that works with unions in Texas to make sure new clean energy industries create good jobs, told me the group blames Texas lawmakers for scaring away developers. "State leadership is really failing Texans by antagonizing this new industry," he said. "It is just a total abdication of leadership, from our perspective, while Texas is struggling to keep the lights on, to undermine the certainty for this really critical industry to create electricity and stabilize our grid."
Louisiana, on the other hand, has been more welcoming. The state has a Climate Action Plan that recommends the procurement of 5,000 megawatts of offshore wind energy by 2035. It has already opened up state-controlled waters to developers, with at least three offshore wind projects in the pipeline.
“The Lake Charles area being of the most serious interest is an indicator that states stepping up to create a market is important,” Jenny Netherton, a senior program manager at the Southeastern Wind Coalition, told me on Tuesday morning after the auction closed. The coalition is made up of nonprofits and energy companies. “Offshore wind needs stable offtake mechanisms to support development and while Louisiana has made progress in this area, work still remains.”
The Biden administration claimed the Gulf sale as a win for Bidenomics, touting the 1.24 gigawatts of offshore wind energy capacity that could be generated when RWE develops its holding, which it said could power nearly 435,400 homes.
“The Biden-Harris administration is making once-in-a-generation investments in America’s infrastructure and our clean energy future as we take steps to bring offshore wind energy to additional areas around the country,” said Secretary of the Interior Deb Haaland in a press release.
The Bureau of Ocean Energy Management did not respond to an inquiry about why there was no interest in the Galveston lease areas and whether the agency might re-list them in a future auction.
Read more about wind power in the Gulf:
The Gulf of Mexico Is a Very Hard Spot to Build a Wind Farm
Editor's note: A previous version of this article misstated the purview of Texas’ Railroad Commission. It has been corrected. We regret the error.
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Republicans are taking over some of the most powerful institutions for crafting climate policy on Earth.
When Republicans flipped the Senate, they took the keys to three critical energy and climate-focused committees.
These are among the most powerful institutions for crafting climate policy on Earth. The Senate plays the role of gatekeeper for important legislation, as it requires a supermajority to overcome the filibuster. Hence, it’s both where many promising climate bills from the House go to die, as well as where key administrators such as the heads of the Department of Energy and the Environmental Protection Agency are vetted and confirmed.
We’ll have to wait a bit for the Senate’s new committee chairs to be officially confirmed. But Jeff Navin, co-founder at the climate change-focused government affairs firm Boundary Stone Partners, told me that since selections are usually based on seniority, in many cases it’s already clear which Republicans are poised to lead under Trump and which Democrats will assume second-in-command (known as the ranking member). Here’s what we know so far.
This committee has been famously led by Joe Manchin, the former Democrat, now Independent senator from West Virginia, who will retire at the end of this legislative session. Energy and Natural Resources has a history of bipartisan collaboration and was integral in developing many of the key provisions in the Inflation Reduction Act — and could thus play a key role in dismantling them. Overall, the committee oversees the DOE, the Department of the Interior, the U.S. Forest Service, and the Federal Energy Regulatory Commission, so it’s no small deal that its next chairman will likely be Mike Lee, the ultra-conservative Republican from Utah. That’s assuming that the committee's current ranking member, John Barrasso of Wyoming, wins his bid for Republican Senate whip, which seems very likely.
Lee opposes federal ownership of public lands, setting himself up to butt heads with Martin Heinrich, the Democrat from New Mexico and likely the committee’s next ranking member. Lee has also said that solving climate change is simply a matter of having more babies, as “problems of human imagination are not solved by more laws, they’re solved by more humans.” As Navin told me, “We've had this kind of safe space where so-called quiet climate policy could get done in the margins. And it’s not clear that that's going to continue to exist with the new leadership.”
This committee is currently chaired by Democrat Tom Carper of Delaware, who is retiring after this term. Poised to take over is the Republican’s current ranking member, Shelley Moore Capito of West Virginia. She’s been a strong advocate for continued reliance on coal and natural gas power plants, while also carving out areas of bipartisan consensus on issues such as nuclear energy, carbon capture, and infrastructure projects during her tenure on the committee. The job of the Environment and Public Works committee is in the name: It oversees the EPA, writes key pieces of environmental legislation such as the Clean Air Act and Clean Water Act, and supervises public infrastructure projects such as highways, bridges, and dams.
Navin told me that many believe the new Democratic ranking member will be Sheldon Whitehouse of Rhode Island, although to do so, he would have to step down from his perch at the Senate Budget Committee, where he is currently chair. A tireless advocate of the climate cause, Whitehouse has worked on the Environment and Public Works committee for over 15 years, and lately seems to have had a relatively productive working relationship with Capito.
This subcommittee falls under the broader Senate Appropriations Committee and is responsible for allocating funding for the DOE, various water development projects, and various other agencies such as the Nuclear Regulatory Commission.
California’s Dianne Feinstein used to chair this subcommittee until her death last year, when Democrat Patty Murray of Washington took over. Navin told me that the subcommittee’s next leader will depend on how the game of “musical chairs” in the larger Appropriations Committee shakes out. Depending on their subcommittee preferences, the chair could end up being John Kennedy of Louisiana, outgoing Senate Minority Leader Mitch McConnell of Kentucky, or Lisa Murkowski of Alaska. It’s likewise hard to say who the top Democrat will be.
Inside a wild race sparked by a solar farm in Knox County, Ohio.
The most important climate election you’ve never heard of? Your local county commissioner.
County commissioners are usually the most powerful governing individuals in a county government. As officials closer to community-level planning than, say a sitting senator, commissioners wind up on the frontlines of grassroots opposition to renewables. And increasingly, property owners that may be personally impacted by solar or wind farms in their backyards are gunning for county commissioner positions on explicitly anti-development platforms.
Take the case of newly-elected Ohio county commissioner – and Christian social media lifestyle influencer – Drenda Keesee.
In March, Keesee beat fellow Republican Thom Collier in a primary to become a GOP nominee for a commissioner seat in Knox County, Ohio. Knox, a ruby red area with very few Democratic voters, is one of the hottest battlegrounds in the war over solar energy on prime farmland and one of the riskiest counties in the country for developers, according to Heatmap Pro’s database. But Collier had expressed openness to allowing new solar to be built on a case-by-case basis, while Keesee ran on a platform focused almost exclusively on blocking solar development. Collier ultimately placed third in the primary, behind Keesee and another anti-solar candidate placing second.
Fighting solar is a personal issue for Keesee (pronounced keh-see, like “messy”). She has aggressively fought Frasier Solar – a 120 megawatt solar project in the country proposed by Open Road Renewables – getting involved in organizing against the project and regularly attending state regulator hearings. Filings she submitted to the Ohio Power Siting Board state she owns a property at least somewhat adjacent to the proposed solar farm. Based on the sheer volume of those filings this is clearly her passion project – alongside preaching and comparing gay people to Hitler.
Yesterday I spoke to Collier who told me the Frasier Solar project motivated Keesee’s candidacy. He remembered first encountering her at a community meeting – “she verbally accosted me” – and that she “decided she’d run against me because [the solar farm] was going to be next to her house.” In his view, he lost the race because excitement and money combined to produce high anti-solar turnout in a kind of local government primary that ordinarily has low campaign spending and is quite quiet. Some of that funding and activity has been well documented.
“She did it right: tons of ground troops, people from her church, people she’s close with went door-to-door, and they put out lots of propaganda. She got them stirred up that we were going to take all the farmland and turn it into solar,” he said.
Collier’s takeaway from the race was that local commissioner races are particularly vulnerable to the sorts of disinformation, campaign spending and political attacks we’re used to seeing more often in races for higher offices at the state and federal level.
“Unfortunately it has become this,” he bemoaned, “fueled by people who have little to no knowledge of what we do or how we do it. If you stir up enough stuff and you cry out loud enough and put up enough misinformation, people will start to believe it.”
Races like these are happening elsewhere in Ohio and in other states like Georgia, where opposition to a battery plant mobilized Republican primaries. As the climate world digests the federal election results and tries to work backwards from there, perhaps at least some attention will refocus on local campaigns like these.
And more of the week’s most important conflicts around renewable energy.
1. Madison County, Missouri – A giant battery material recycling plant owned by Critical Mineral Recovery exploded and became engulfed in flames last week, creating a potential Vineyard Wind-level PR headache for energy storage.
2. Benton County, Washington State – Governor Jay Inslee finally got state approvals finished for Scout Clean Energy’s massive Horse Heaven wind farm after a prolonged battle over project siting, cultural heritage management, and bird habitat.
3. Fulton County, Georgia – A large NextEra battery storage facility outside of Atlanta is facing a lawsuit that commingles usual conflicts over building these properties with environmental justice concerns, I’ve learned.
Here’s what else I’m watching…
In Colorado, Weld County commissioners approved part of one of the largest solar projects in the nation proposed by Balanced Rock Power.
In New Mexico, a large solar farm in Sandoval County proposed by a subsidiary of U.S. PCR Investments on land typically used for cattle is facing consternation.
In Pennsylvania, Schuylkill County commissioners are thinking about new solar zoning restrictions.
In Kentucky, Lost City Renewables is still wrestling with local concerns surrounding a 1,300-acre solar farm in rural Muhlenberg County.
In Minnesota, Ranger Power’s Gopher State solar project is starting to go through the public hearing process.
In Texas, Trina Solar – a company media reports have linked to China – announced it sold a large battery plant the day after the election. It was acquired by Norwegian company FREYR.