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They fall short of President Biden’s power plant goals — and he’s running out of time and tools.

As you may have heard, the Biden administration on Thursday proposed regulating greenhouse-gas emissions from new and existing power plants.
The rule is a landmark. If implemented successfully, it would mark the first time that the United States has regulated emissions from existing power plants, one of the largest sources of carbon pollution in the economy.
Yet coverage of the rule has deviated in some respects from what it would actually do. The rule falls short of its goals in at least one important way: It will not meet President Joe Biden’s targets for the power sector.
Soon after he took office, President Biden committed the United States to generating 100% of its electricity from zero-carbon sources by 2035. It is part of his broader Paris Agreement pledge to slash U.S. carbon pollution in half by 2030 as compared to 2005 levels.
But the EPA’s proposal would not achieve a zero-carbon power grid even by 2040, five years after the president’s deadline. If the rule is implemented, then the American electricity system will emit 458 million metric tons of carbon pollution in 2040. While that is a significant reduction — it’s about 70% lower than today’s annual emissions — it is obviously not zero.
“These rules and this section of the Clean Air Act is not designed to achieve President Biden’s clean power targets,” Charles Harper, a policy analyst at Evergreen, a climate advocacy organization and think tank, told me.
“These power-sector rules are an important contributor to reducing emissions to the power sector, but they alone won’t get to a zero-carbon grid — and that’s by design within the statute.”
On one hand, the EPA’s proposal reveals the success of President Biden’s flagship climate accomplishment, the Inflation Reduction Act. The EPA’s proposal can mandate carbon capture and storage so aggressively because that law’s subsidies and tax credits made it economically feasible for utilities. The proposal is “designed very, very well to work in tandem with the IRA tax credits,” Nick Bryner, a law professor at Louisiana State University, told me.
In fact, according to the rule’s analysis, the climate law — and not the proposed rule — will drive most of the emissions declines in the power sector from 2028 to 2040. The rule is tinkering around the edges of a much larger transformation.
But on the other hand, the rule reveals the limits of that metamorphosis. The Biden administration has adopted more climate policy than any previous administration, yet they are running out of tools to make their climate goals a reality. The EPA will be lucky to finalize these rules before the end of Biden’s first — and potentially only — term. And it is not working on any other proposed power-sector regulation that might get the country all the way to Biden’s 2035 goal.
At this point, Biden may need a revolution of state and local climate advocacy — not to mention another four years in office, and perhaps even another congressional majority — to achieve his most ambitious climate goals. The planet is only getting hotter.
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A federal court has once again allowed Orsted to resume construction on its offshore wind project.
A federal court struck down the Trump administration’s three-month stop work order on Orsted’s Revolution offshore wind farm, once again allowing construction to resume (for the second time).
Explaining his ruling from the bench Monday, U.S. District Judge Royce Lamberth said that project developer Orsted — and the states of Rhode Island and Connecticut, which filed their own suit in support of the company — were “likely” to win on the merits of their lawsuit that the stop work order violated the Administrative Procedures Act. Lamberth said that the Trump administration’s stop work order, issued just before Christmas, amounted to a change in administration position without adequate justification. The justice said he was not sure the emergency being described by the government exists, and that the “stated national security reason may have been pretextual.”
This case was life or death for Revolution Wind. If the stop work order had not been enjoined, Orsted told the court it may not have been able to secure proper vessels for at-sea construction for long enough to complete the project on schedule. This would have a domino effect, threatening Orsted’s ability to meet deadlines in signed power agreements with Rhode Island and Connecticut and therefore threatening wholesale cancellation of the project.
Undergirding this ruling was a quandary Orsted pointed out to the justice: The government issued the stop work order claiming it was intended to mitigate national security concerns but refused to share specifics of the basis for the stop work order with the developer. At the Monday hearing on the injunction in Washington, D.C., Revolution Wind’s legal team pointed to a key quote in a filing submitted by the Justice Department from Interior Deputy Assistant Secretary Jacob Tyner, saying that the Bureau of Ocean Energy Management, the federal offshore energy regulator, was “not aware” of whether the national security risks could ever be mitigated, “and, if they can, whether the developers would find the proposed mitigation measures acceptable.”
This was the first positive outcome in what are multiple legal battles against the Christmas stop work orders against offshore wind projects. As I reported last week, two other developers filed individual suits alongside Orsted against their respective pauses: Dominion Energy in support of the Coastal Virginia offshore project, and Equinor over Empire Wind.
I expect what happened in the Revolution Wind case to be the beginning of a trend, as a cursory examination of the filings in those cases indicate similar contradictions to those that led to Revolution winning out. We’ll find out soon: The hearing on Empire’s stop work order is scheduled for Wednesday and Coastal Virginia on Friday.
A Heatmap Pro review of public records shows that 25 data centers were scrubbed last year after local pushback — four times as many as 2024.
President Trump has staked his administration’s success on America’s ongoing artificial intelligence boom. More than $500 billion may be spent this year to dot the landscape with new data centers, power plants, and other grid equipment needed to sustain the explosively growing sector, according to Goldman Sachs.
There’s just one problem: Many Americans seem to be turning against the buildout. Across the country, scores of communities — including some of the same rural and exurban areas that have rebelled against new wind and solar farms — are blocking proposed data centers from getting built or banning them outright.
At least 25 data center projects were canceled last year following local opposition in the United States, according to a review of press accounts, public records, and project announcements conducted by Heatmap Pro. Those canceled projects accounted for at least 4.7 gigawatts of electricity demand — a meaningful share of the overall data center capacity projected to come online in the coming years.
Those cancellations reflect a sharp increase over recent years, when local backlash rarely played a role in project cancellations, according to Heatmap’s review.
The surge reflects the public’s growing awareness — and increasing skepticism — of the large-scale fixed investment that must be kept up to power the AI economy. It also shows the challenge faced by utilities and grid planners as they try to forecast how the fast-growing sector will shape power demand.
The number of cancellations is likely to grow in the year to come. At least 99 data center projects nationwide are now being contested by local activists or residents, according to a Heatmap review of local news stories and public records, out of about 770 planned data centers across the country, according to Data Center Map. Another 200 or so proposed projects are already under construction.
About 40% of data centers that face sustained local opposition are eventually canceled, Heatmap’s review suggests.
These numbers have not been previously reported. Over the past seven months, researchers at our intelligence platform Heatmap Pro have conducted a comprehensive national survey of local opposition to data center construction. Researchers have monitored local media and called every U.S. county to tally recent data center cancellations and any local restrictions or bans on data center construction.
This data is normally available to companies and individuals who subscribe to Heatmap Pro. In this story, we are making a high-level summary available to the public for the first time.
The number of cancellations seems to be increasing more quickly than other measurements of data center growth. The amount of electricity used by data centers nationwide grew by about 22% last year, according to a recent report from S&P Global, and aggressive estimates suggest that the sector’s power use will double or even triple over the next 10 years. Yet data center cancellations due to local opposition have quadrupled in just the past 12 months.
“Those numbers don’t totally surprise me,” Peter Freed, a founding partner at the Near Horizon Group and the former director of energy strategy at Meta, told me. “This is what projects falling out of the development pipeline looks like.” He expects only about 10% of data center projects that are now being planned or developed to turn into finished projects, he added.
“I also think that the pace of canceled projects will increase, matching the acceleration in new project announcements we saw through the balance of last year,” he added.
The pace of cancellations has already grown rapidly in the past six months. Only two data centers were canceled following sustained local protest in 2023, according to Heatmap data, and six were canceled in 2024. But as electricity inflation surged and the AI boom became the biggest story in the economy, Americans took notice of what was happening on vacant land nearby. Of the 25 data center projects canceled due to local opposition last year, 21 were terminated in the second half of 2025.
Environmental and quality-of-life concerns overwhelmingly drive Americans’ opposition to data centers. Water use is the No. 1 reason cited in press accounts for local opposition to a proposed project, and is mentioned for more than 40% of contested projects, according to our review. (Some experts now dispute that data centers are unusually large water consumers, especially compared to golf courses or farms.)
The next most-cited concerns among opponents are about energy consumption and higher electricity prices, followed by worries about noise.
“Affordability is the first, second, and third issue — at least that’s what I’m hearing,” Freed said of his conversations with developers. “I also fundamentally believe that there are lots of good existing ways and creative new ways to make sure we’re insulating people from costs, but the industry has not done a very good job of telling that story.”
Many technology companies, such as Amazon, now argue that their data centers affirmatively help keep a lid on local power prices. Even so, politicians from both parties — including Energy Secretary Chris Wright — have suggested changing grid rules or requiring tech companies to “bring their own power” to reduce the AI boom’s costs to existing utility ratepayers.
Data center cancellations aren’t evenly spread out across the country. Texas is a hotspot for new data center proposals, and more than 150 gigawatts of data centers have asked to hook up to its grid. But we recorded zero cancellations due to local opposition in the Lone Star State. That’s probably because it’s difficult for residents to cancel any project in Texas, which has no state-level zoning rules.
Most cancellations were located in PJM Interconnection, the country’s largest electricity grid, which spans the Mid-Atlantic and upper Midwest. Virginia — a longstanding locus of data center development — tied with Indiana for the most cancellations due to local opposition. Each saw eight cancellations, including a proposed 600-megawatt facility northeast of Indianapolis. Just last week, local opposition killed yet another planned data center project southeast of Indiana’s capitol.
The overwhelming majority of cancellations came in states that President Trump won in the 2024 election — and often in the very suburban and exurban areas that fueled his victory. Trump won Oldham County, Kentucky, by more than 20 points in 2024. That didn’t help an effort to build a new 600-megawatt AI data center there last year. The project was dropped in July by its developer Western Hospitality Partners, who had once described it as the state’s largest economic development project.
The rising local resistance to data center development may suggest an early victory for the left flank of the environmental movement, which has opposed the expansion of virtually all AI infrastructure. Last month, Greenpeace USA, Friends of the Earth, and Food and Water Watch called for a national moratorium on all new data center construction.
“The rapid, largely unregulated rise of data centers to fuel the AI and crypto frenzy is disrupting communities across the country and threatening Americans’ economic, environmental, climate and water security,” the groups wrote in a letter to lawmakers.
But in many communities, resistance to data centers has come from a more unlikely alliance of environmentalists and anti-renewable energy advocates, Heatmap’s review has found. The same set of concerns people mention about wind farms or solar and battery projects — that they will bring more noise, threaten local farms, and change a community’s rural character — also appear in press reports about why residents oppose data centers.
AI advocates expect that these concerns will continue to spread as the footprint of data centers expands around the country. “Inevitably, as the main electricity arteries of the country get congested and the low-hanging fruit are picked, the projects that are being proposed will expand geographically,” Daniel King, a fellow who studies energy and AI at the Foundation for American Innovation, a center-right think tank, told me. “I expect us to see the obstructions and failed projects spread geographically as well.”
He said developers have been increasingly worried about the rise of cancellations due to local opposition, but that Heatmap’s review suggested to him the problem might not be as bad as he once feared.
Still, “the trend is a concerning one,” he said. Many counties have moved from blocking individual governments to considering bans on new data center construction, he said — another move borrowed from the anti-renewable playbook. That could be “potentially harmful” to the potential for economic development in those areas, he said.
Current conditions: Snow is heading for the Northeast later this week, with some flakes in New York City on Thursday • A heatwave in central Argentina is driving up temperatures to 102 degrees Fahrenheit • A blizzard is set to dump nearly 3 feet of snow along Hokkaido’s Sea of Japan coast.
The United States’ biggest oil company is brushing off President Donald Trump’s promise to restore Venezuela’s drilling industry to its former glory under American stewardship. In an address to the White House on Friday, Exxon Mobil Corp. CEO Darren Woods said that Venezuela’s
current “legal and commercial constructs” and “frameworks” make the country “uninvestable.” The country’s basic systems need “significant changes,” and its hydrocarbon laws need to be overhauled before the Texas behemoth thinks it can put money into rebuilding the infrastructure in the South American nation. Still, Woods said he was “confident that with this administration and President Trump working hand-in-hand with the Venezuelan government that those changes can be put in place.” As my colleague Robinson Meyer noted in a recent interview for the Shift Key podcast, Trump’s push for imperial resource ventures generally might be a tough sell for actual oil companies.
Exxon’s main U.S. rival, the No. 2 producer Chevron Corp., has invested heavily in Venezuela over the years. Exxon, by contrast, has developed what’s considered the most significant new oil patch in the world, the offshore drilling operations in Guyana. But Exxon still benefits from the Trump administration’s intervention in Caracas. Venezuela has long argued that Essequibo, the sparsely populated jungle province comprising the western half of Guyana, rightfully belongs under Caracas’ rule. The move to threaten Essequibo and Exxon drilling platforms off its waters with the Venezuelan military in recent years drew fierce blowback. Now it seems unlikely such agitation will happen again anytime soon. Meanwhile, Trump said Sunday he may exclude Exxon from the Venezuela spoils, claiming “they're playing too cute.”
Until now, Meta has been the most cautious nuclear investor of its tech peers, brokering just one major deal to buy power from an existing atomic power station. By contrast, Amazon bought a stake in the reactor developer X-energy and put up the money for its first power plant; Microsoft pumped billions into reopening the working reactor at Three Mile Island; and Google is both bringing another reactor back online and investing in the next-generation reactor company Kairos Power. On Friday, the Facebook owner announced a sweeping deal to buy power from the nuclear utility Vistra, help build reactors with the Bill Gates-backed startup TerraPower, and pay cash upfront to finance the purchase of fuel for microreactor developer Oklo’s first power plants in Ohio. “Our commitments to Oklo and TerraPower support the next generation of American developers creating safer, advanced nuclear reactors and accelerating the development of nuclear technologies,” the company said in a statement. “Through our partnership with Vistra, we’re providing financial support for operating nuclear power plants, extending the operational lifespan.”

Illinois is the most nuclear-powered state in the nation, with atomic stations supplying nearly all of Chicago’s power at times. Yet the state put a moratorium on new reactors in the 1980s. That is, until last week when Governor J.B. Pritzker signed legislation lifting the ban. In 2023, Pritzker signed a bill that would allow for construction of more speculative technology, like small modular reactors, but maintained the ban on large-scale units. At the time, the Democrat vetoed separate legislation to legalize large-scale reactors, insisting they “are so costly to build that they will cause exorbitant ratepayer-funded bailouts.” Since no one has yet built an SMR in the U.S., there’s no way of really knowing how much the smaller units will cost. But more recent research by the Massachusetts Institute of Technology’s Koroush Shirvan finds the opposite. Building another gigawatt-sized Westinghouse AP1000 — the same type of machine that had major cost overruns in Georgia over the past decade — would be cheaper than building a first-of-its-kind SMR, since the supply chains and design are established.
“It’s striking that the same rationale Gov. Pritzker used to veto lifting the nuclear moratorium in 2023 — the prospect of new large-scale reactors in Illinois — is now being celebrated by his administration as a major win,” Madi Hilly, the managing director of the Chicago-based consultancy Radiant Energy Group, told me for this newsletter. “This reversal is a positive signal for future growth and long-term prosperity in Illinois.”
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China went from spending virtually nothing on nuclear fusion in 2021 to investing more than the rest of the world combined, as I told you last month. Well, it’s working. Last week, China’s leading fusion project, the Experimental Advanced Superconducting Tokamak, or EAST, pulled off a “novel high-density operating scheme” in the reactor. In the past, exceeding the limits of how dense the plasma that powers the fusion reactor could get ended up causing disruptions. “The findings suggest a practical and scalable pathway for extending density limits in tokamaks and next-generation burning plasma fusion devices,” study co-lead author Ping Zhu, an engineering professor at the University of Science and Technology in China, said in the statement to Live Science.
China plans to end its value-added tax export rebate on solar products on April 1. The finance ministry said the VAT export rebates for battery products will fall to 6% from 9% between April and December and phase out entirely at the end of this year. In a statement on the change, the China Photovoltaic Industry Association acknowledged that some Chinese exporters were, as Reuters put it, “using rebates as a price discount for foreign buyers.” This won few friends in Europe or North America, where governments who wanted strategic solar manufacturing industries saw factories close in the face of overwhelmingly cheap Chinese imports. Analysts told the South China Morning Post the policy is a signal “that Beijing is interested in serious trade relations and is a good partner.”
Biodegradable plastics are not always safer for rivers and oceans. When researchers at East China Normal University compared how microbial cities formed on the surfaces of traditional plastics and biodegradable materials after 88 days in a tidal river in Shanghai, they found that drug-resistant bacteria proliferated on both non-biodragable and biodegradable plastics, but saw a particularly intense but short-lived spike in pathogens developing on the so-called greener material. “Our findings show that biodegradable plastics do not simply dissolve into the environment without consequence,” Yinglong Su, the study’s lead author, said in a statement. “They create a different kind of risk that peaks during degradation and should not be ignored in environmental policy.”