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Biden’s fast-charging rollout is way behind. But slow-charging is still an option.

We’ve got a high-speed charging problem.
Without readily available high-speed charging, people will never let go of their range anxiety fears and buy electric; but unless you have people in EVs willing to pay to charge their cars, there’s no reason to build the chargers. The Biden administration thought it could solve the problem with money — that is, a big, federally funded build-out of chargers that can fill an EV’s battery in 20 to 30 minutes. But even breaking ground has been a slog. Years after Congress first approved giving billions of dollars to states so they could fill out America’s EV-charging corridors, few projects have made it all the way through the bureaucratic process to the point of construction.
The grant money from Biden’s laws is still flowing, and more high-speed chargers are in the pipeline. But federal dollars are likely to dry up in a Trump presidency that promises to attack climate achievements like the Inflation Reduction Act.
Things aren’t that much rosier in private industry. Trump’s ally Elon Musk built out the best EV charging network at Tesla and then opened it to other automakers. This year, though, he fired the Supercharger team amid mass layoffs. Now, at the moment Musk has Trump’s ear, EV charging simply doesn’t seem that important to him. And while groups of other car manufacturers have come together to promise more fast-charging stations of their own, those plans may be reconsidered in a more hostile climate for EVs.
If you’re feeling like charging gloom is a death knell for the EV revolution, I would ask you to remember one thing: This isn’t the way most people charge their cars.
Yes, you need DC fast chargers to take a road trip down the highway. And for those who can’t charge at home or at work, public high-speed charging becomes the default option — you’re not going to park at Whole Foods long enough to put on 200 miles. But a future with high levels of American EV adoption will be one in which most charging happens slowly, at Level 2 chargers in people’s garages, in parking lots, and on the sides of public streets. Expanding our focus to low-tech EV charging, then, is one way to make Americans more confident about ditching gas, even during the coming Trump era redux.
For one thing, lower-tech solutions are more affordable. As the Society of Automotive Engineers notes, slower AC chargers are much cheaper for cities or businesses to install compared to the tens or hundreds of thousands of dollars for DC fast chargers. Appropriate electrical infrastructure already exists in many places — street lights, for example, use a 277-volt standard that could be repurposed for slow EV charging. All you need to do is run wires down to street level so cars can plug in.
You probably won’t fill up your car’s battery on streetside slow chargers. On my Tesla Model 3, this charging speed adds, at most, about 30 miles of driving range per hour. (That’s why home and office charging is so appealing: the eight hours you spend sleeping or working is about enough to fill up the battery.) Yet a world of ubiquitous Level 2 plugs would add peace of mind. Think of it like plugging in your phone at a bar or at the airport. Sometimes, a little extra juice is just what you need to get by.
Seeing these plugs everywhere would help drivers feel like it’s not an emergency every time the car gets a little low, and the big charging depot (where there might be a line of cars, anyway) is miles away. Slow chargers also put less pressure on our already-creaking electrical grid compared to DC fast-chargers, which unleash upwards of 350 kilowatts at once. They’re also considered to be better for the long-term health of a battery because fast-charging leads to faster degradation, though by how much is not clear.
“Slow plugs everywhere” isn’t a perfect solution. A few streetside plugs exist in my part of Los Angeles, but you’d need a lot to make a difference; it’s not until such plugs are the norm rather than the exception that you’d have a good chance of grabbing a spot when you need it. Plus, infrastructure left out on the street is susceptible to vandalism as well as normal wear and tear. That’s why some places in Europe have embraced the “bring your own cable” approach to such chargers so cords are not left on the sidewalk, sitting in the rain and getting in the way.
Despite the challenges, slow charging offers states and cities miffed by Trump’s election a low-tech way to make themselves more EV-friendly. They could also use the power of the legislative pen to mandate that apartment buildings and condominium developments install plugs in their parking lots, for example. Then, blue state residents and urban dwellers — the very people most likely to want EVs to fight climate change, but least likely to have the ability to put in their own home plugs – can buy an EV without also buying a lifestyle of inconvenience.
Fast-charging still matters a lot. The rapid growth of DC stations over the past decade has created a country where nearly all the major interstate highways have enough plugs for EV drivers to get by. Many more are needed in cities, along state highways, and near far-flung destinations like the National Parks before most people will be confident an electric vehicle can take them anywhere they want to go.
As the refrain goes, though, most people do the vast majority of their driving within a few miles of their homes. If a rollout of slow plugs makes it possible for them to steal a few electrons while they go about their lives, American confidence in EVs will rise.
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Current conditions: The four-day Masters Tournament in Augusta, Georgia, is set to be the driest in 15 years, putting extra strain on the golf courses’ sprinkler systems • Severe Tropical Cyclone Maila is bearing down on Papua New Guinea and the Solomon Islands, deluging the autonomous island of Bougainville that is poised to vote to become an independent nation next year • A magnitude 6.2 earthquake just shook Indonesia’s Molucca Sea.

New Jersey just became the sixth state in the past decade to repeal its moratorium on building new nuclear reactors. The state enacted a de facto ban on atomic power construction in the 1970s, barring any permits for new plants until the federal government came up with a permanent solution for radioactive waste. But soaring electricity demand and a struggling buildout of offshore wind spurred Democratic Governor Mikie Sherrill to campaign last year on building at least a gigawatt of new nuclear capacity. On Wednesday, she signed legislation formally rescinding the waste requirement, authorizing the state to issue permits for new nuclear plants that, like all other atomic stations in the U.S., would temporarily store spent fuel waste on site in dry concrete casks. Speaking in front of a cooling tower at the Hope Creek nuclear generating station, one of two neighboring atomic plants in southwestern New Jersey that supply 40% of the state’s power, Sherrill said modern plants “are designed to be fail safe.” She added: “Across America, a nuclear renaissance is taking place.”
Five states — Wisconsin, Kentucky, Montana, West Virginia, and, as of January, Illinois — have fully repealed their statewide bans on nuclear reactors. While five of New England’s states maintain restrictions on atomic energy, all six endorsed a regionwide agreement to encourage construction of new reactors last month, as I previously reported. Virtually every state in that mix will face challenges building new reactors. The short of it, as Heatmap’s Matthew Zeitlin put it last year, is that “electricity markets aren’t working anymore.” The answer, at least for New York, is to rely on semi-socialist entities such as a state-owned utility to finance new reactors.
Hackers “affiliated” with Iran have been targeting programmable logic controllers, or PLCs, the crude industrial computers used to keep power grid operations going. That’s according to an advisory the U.S. Cybersecurity and Infrastructure Security Agency issued on Tuesday to the energy sector as the U.S.-Israeli war against Iran entered its sixth week, in spite of a fragile ceasefire deal. The North American Electric Reliability Corporation, the quasi-governmental grid watchdog, told Utility Dive it was “actively monitoring the grid.”
In Saudi Arabia, meanwhile, Iran attacked the country’s key east-west pipeline shipping oil to the Red Sea. A drone struck a pumping station on the 750-mile pipeline around 1 p.m. local time on Wednesday, the Financial Times reported.
BYD is officially on Brazil’s “dirty list.” The Ministry of Labor and Employment added the Chinese auto giant to its registry of employers that have subjected workers to conditions analogous to slavery after an inspection rescued 163 Chinese nationals at a construction site for the company’s new factory in Camaçari, in Bahia state. Auditors found fraud in migration papers and determined the factory was housing workers without mattresses and requiring shifts exceeding 10 hours without rest, according to a report by Folha de São Paulo. In one location, one bathroom served 31 people.
The company is set for a lot more scrutiny. BYD is among the top three Chinese automakers racing to set up dealerships in Canada after Prime Minister Mark Carney reduced tariffs, allowing Beijing to set up a beachhead on the continent despite harsh U.S. trade restrictions. Already, BYD has its eyes on 20 locations, as I previously wrote.
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This is likely going to be the year deep sea mining becomes a thing. The obscure United Nations body in charge of figuring out global regulations for the industry has vowed to complete its task this summer. The Trump administration is charging ahead with plans to unilaterally establish permits for deep sea mining in international waters. Alongside smaller island nations such as the Cook Islands, Japan has been harvesting minerals from its own seafloor, as I wrote in February, and is now pledging to join Washington’s effort. All of that is good news for one of the biggest stocks in the sector, The Metals Company, a Canada-based but U.S.-backed startup racing to win the first American permits to extract mineral-rich nodules from the depths of the Pacific Ocean.
Now another company has entered the fray. American Ocean Minerals Corp. is merging with Odyssey Marine Exploration, which is already traded on the Nasdaq, in a reverse takeover that will create a roughly $1 billion deep sea mining company. The all-stock deal includes more than $150 million in private financing and $75 million in money American Ocean Minerals raised prior to the merger. Pending shareholder approval, the combined company will retain American Ocean Minerals’ name and trade under the ticker AOMC. “AOMC will be positioned to be a reliable, long-term supplier for American re-industrialization,” Tom Albanese, the former Rio Tinto chief executive now serving as the startup’s chairman, told Mining.com. “We are taking a differentiated, responsible approach to the research and development of deep-sea resources. The work over the past decade has set a high standard for advancing the industry responsibly, and we are proud to play a role in maintaining that standard.”
If you live in California, you’re one of the few Americans living in a market where a hydrogen-powered vehicle could work. But if you did make the switch to the less popular alternative to battery-powered cars, you aren’t faring much better than your neighbors driving gasoline guzzlers. The Iran War may be driving gas prices up past $7 per gallon in parts of the most populous state in the nation. But at least the gas stations are open. Just six of California’s 52 hydrogen refueling stations are currently in operation, according to data the trade group Hydrogen Fuel Cell Partnership shared with H2 View. “Several hydrogen stations are not available due to a disruption of the gaseous hydrogen supply chain that began in February 2026,” the trade group said. Five stations operated by Iwatani and Chevron are being supplied by low-pressure trailers, significantly reducing the amount of hydrogen they each receive. “You may not receive full fills during this time,” Hydrogen Fuel Cell Partnership said.
The planet is flickering. The longstanding assumption has held that the world is getting brighter with artificial light as illuminated neighborhoods blink into existence in growing Asian, African, and Latin American megacities around the world. But a new study in Nature shows that the planet’s brightness is going up and down year to year. As Heatmap’s Jeva Lange wrote: “Though the researchers confirmed a 34% overall increase in brightness during the study’s nine-year scope, it was offset by an 18% dimness, meaning the net increase in brightness was only 16%. Further, nearly half of the portions of land area that experienced at least one change in artificial light also experienced some form of abrupt change — that is, a brightening or dimming event that unfolded over weeks or months rather than years, such as grid failures in Venezuela, load-shedding in South Africa, changes to fossil fuel operations in Texas, and armed conflicts such as the war in Gaza.”
The nearly California-based company is buying a pipeline of projects from an unnamed Japanese developer.
The energy transition isn’t static, and the companies pivoting to match the shifting needs of the moment tend to point the way to where demand is going.
Take Energy Vault. Founded by a group of Swiss engineers in 2017, the company sought to meet the swelling need for long-duration energy storage that can last beyond the four hours or so you get from a grid-scale lithium-ion battery by devising a new gravity-based systems for keeping energy stored for the long term. The problem was, there was no obvious market.
After going public in 2021 via a reverse merger with a blank-check company, Energy Vault swerved. The startup widened its focus beyond a long-duration energy storage technology critics called “obviously flawed” to energy storage in general, beefing up its portfolio of projects with traditional lithium-ion batteries and green hydrogen facilities.
Now Energy Vault is attempting to follow the well-trodden path for a Western company with a compelling technological alternative to fossil fuels: Make it big in Japan.
On Thursday, the company plans to announce its formal entry into the Japanese market through a binding agreement to buy a pipeline of battery projects from a domestic developer, I can exclusively report for Heatmap.
The move comes as East Asia braces for the worst of the energy shock emanating from the Strait of Hormuz. Despite the two-week ceasefire deal President Donald Trump announced Tuesday with Iran to reopen the waterway to tanker traffic, the market has yet to fully digest the weeks of near-total closure, as the last ships to leave the Persian Gulf are still arriving in ports to unload fuel deliveries. Countries such as Taiwan, South Korea, and Japan are particularly vulnerable to price swings due to their heavy reliance on imports of oil and liquified natural gas. Japan became especially dependent on LNG as a primary source of fuel after halting power production at most of its nuclear reactors following the 2011 Fukushima disaster.
Energy Vault declined to disclose the name of the developer from which it’s buying the projects, only describing the counterparty as a “leading” Japanese storage provider.
The deal includes 350 megawatts of “advanced-stage” battery projects that are expected to start construction by the second half of next year and begin operations in the second half of 2028. It also includes another 500 megawatts of early-stage projects, providing what the company called “a robust, multi-year growth pipeline that positions Energy Vault for long-term leadership in the Japanese energy storage market,” which it described as “one of the fastest growing and structurally advantaged” in any developed country.
The Japanese energy market allows storage companies to engage in what’s called “revenue stacking,” pulling in income from wholesale arbitrage, capacity markets, and grid-balancing services. Energy Vault said it maintains a “technology-agnostic approach,” which should allow it to take advantage of that flexibility, and touted a recent strategic partnership with the sodium-ion battery developer Peak Energy as an example of next-generation hardware it hopes to commercialize.
“Entering the Japanese market is a key component of our high-growth markets expansion strategy and represents one of the most compelling energy storage growth opportunities globally,” Robert Piconi, the chairman and chief executive of Energy Vault, told me in a statement. “Despite being a highly developed economy, Japan’s energy storage market remains significantly underpenetrated and is now entering a period of accelerated growth driven by renewable expansion and structural grid constraints.”
The losers are myriad and most definitely include Gulf oil producers.
Exactly what is going on between the United States, the Gulf States, Israel, and Iran is legitimately unclear. While the U.S. and Iran have said they agreed to a Pakistan-broked ceasefire and want to reach a permanent agreement to end the war, there have been reported strikes in Lebanon, Iran, and several Gulf States. The Speaker of the Iranian parliament, Mohammad-Bagher Ghalibaf, has accused the United States of violating “three key clauses” of the “framework” the country says the U.S. has agreed to, while Iranian media said earlier today that tankers were halted from passing through the Strait of Hormuz — which has, in theory, reopened — due to Israeli strikes on Lebanon.
While the outcome of planned negotiations between the United States and Iran over the two-week ceasefire announced Tuesday evening remains anybody’s guess, we can start to evaluate which industries, countries, and regions stand to benefit from the new era inaugurated the war, and which stand to suffer.
China’s neighbors got a crash course in the dangers of fossil fuel dependence for their essential energy needs. The vast majority of oil and gas that generally flows out of the strait is bound for Asia, leaving countries to embrace some mix of rationing, higher costs, and finding new supplies.
Going forward, these Asian countries may want to reduce their fossil fuel import bill, either by developing solar power and storage to replace gas-fired electricity generation or by expanding electrification to reduce reliance on gasoline (or both!). No matter what path they pick, it will likely be Chinese companies selling the solar panels, batteries, and electric vehicles necessary to traverse it.
China itself, despite its heavy use of Persian Gulf petroleum, was able to weather the crisis far better than its neighbors. While the country is the world’s largest consumer of fossil fuels, it has spent decades preparing for this type of crisis, building up the world’s largest oil stockpiles and an electric grid that largely relies on its own coal, as well as nuclear, renewables, and hydropower.
The nuclear industry has often flourished in response to crises in the oil markets. Much of the Japanese, French, and American nuclear buildouts occurred in the wake of the 1970s oil shocks. Already, the Hormuz shock has revived Asian nuclear power. Taiwan shut down its last operating nuclear reactor last year, but already the utility Taipower has applied to restart a nuclear plant. Vietnam and Russia signed a deal to develop Southeast Asia’s first operational nuclear power plant, while the South Korean government announced plans to accelerate the restart of several reactors.
While in the long run the Hormuz crisis could spur Asian economies to embrace nuclear, storage, renewables, and electrification, in the short run they need to keep the lights on. Capacity limits on coal-fired power plants have been lifted across Asia, and prices for coal have risen accordingly. And while Taiwan for example, is reembracing nuclear power, it’s also looking to boost its coal output.
When the consulting firm Wood Mackenzie modeled the effects through 2050 of a “a major geopolitical escalation beginning in early 2026 [Editor’s note: wink wink], disrupting 15–20% of global oil and LNG supply,” the analysts found that “coal plays a larger role in the near term as countries respond to supply shocks by maximising domestic energy sources and delaying plant retirements.”
(“Over the longer term,” the report continued, “nuclear expands significantly, providing stable, fuel-secure baseload power as new capacity comes online from the 2030s.”)
As national governments get more concerned about energy security and reliance on fuels that come through geopolitically sensitive chokepoints, major coal exporters like Australia, Indonesia, and South Africa stand to benefit. And even if countries pursue electrification in order to get off of oil, this can still benefit coal exporters, at least in the short to medium term.
The shale revolution has birthed a diverse, sprawling ecosystem of independent exploration and production companies that can cover their operating expenses when oil prices are below $50 and profitably drill new wells at $70. If global oil prices are permanently higher due to tolling in the Strait of Hormuz, as well as due to hundreds of millions of barrels of shut-in production never reaching the market, then these companies are likely to see permanently higher profits.
Even if oil prices fall substantially as the crisis subsides, these producers have likely experienced the past six or so weeks as a pure profit-taking opportunity, with anxious investors keeping the leash on new exploration. And if the crisis continues and the strait continues to be closed, they can either profit from their existing operations or choose to profitably drill new wells.
As long as the Strait of Hormuz remained closed, about a fifth of the world’s LNG supply wasn’t reaching its largely Asian customers. Even if the strait fully reopens, Qatar’s Ras Laffan LNG facility has sustained damage that will take years to fix. While this supply shock will mean higher spot prices for other LNG exporters — most notably the United States — future LNG investment will likely be chilled by this reminder of the fuel’s essential geopolitical instability.
Even if LNG flows resume for the duration of the shaky planned ceasefire, analysts at BloombergNEF estimate that “the combined loss of supply could remove roughly 16 million tons” of LNG from the market this summer. (Qatar’s total LNG capacity is 77 million tons per year.) “Hormuz crossings remain the critical variable driving prices in the coming days. If vessel transits accelerate, the market will price in improving availability. If crossings stall, risk premiums will rebuild quickly, reinforcing the view that even a ceasefire is insufficient to restore reliable Hormuz transit,” BNEF analysts wrote in a note Wednesday.
Already, the Vietnamese conglomerate Vingroup has proposed scrapping a planned LNG import project and replacing it with renewables and batteries. Chinese LNG imports already dropped in 2025, indicating that the Asian growth the LNG industry was counting on may not end up redounding to its benefit.
The Gulf states are supposed to be the central players in the world oil market. They can produce oil cheaply at scale, and Saudi Arabia especially is considered the world’s “swing” producer, able to ramp up and ramp down oil production to respond to market conditions
Now, no matter what happens in the Strait of Hormuz, hundreds of millions of barrels of oil have been shut-in and won’t reach global markets. Gulf states will likely have to embark on expensive pipeline projects to lessen their dependence on the strait, and their ability to diversify their economies by attracting tourism or high-end service industries may be permanently imperiled by six weeks of drone and missile assaults from Iran.
The necessary reconstruction may also pull capital away from their Gulf producers’ high-profile overseas investment projects, whether in movie studios or green energy, forcing these states to be more insular and less ambitious in forging overseas economic and political links that were supposed to keep them safe.
And while a higher floor on oil prices may help refill these states’ coffers, to the extent that Asian economies electrify in response to the Hormuz shock, it could mean that oil demand begins falling faster than expected.
While the United States has not been wholly insulated from the war’s economic effects — gas prices have risen dramatically — it has managed to benefit from oil exports and its electricity sector has been largely unaffected thanks to natural gas prices staying basically unchanged since the war began.
The story is different on the West Coast and in Hawaii. California is essentially the furthest east section of the Asian energy complex, meaning that its refineries and gas stations have had to compete for scarce supplies of oil and gasoline thanks to the closure of the Strait of Hormuz. Meanwhile Hawaii, which depends on oil for the bulk of its electricity generation, will soon see price hikes.
Even if traffic is restored through the strait, the shockwaves from its closure will still hit the United States’s westernmost points.