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The CEO of Climeworks argues that the buildout of technology to suck greenhouse gas from the air should be considered part of the cost of artificial intelligence.

Somewhere in Virginia, Texas, or Arizona, a data center is being commissioned this month that will draw more power than a small city. The server racks inside will train and run artificial intelligence models for years to come. And the electrons feeding it will, in all likelihood, come partly from natural gas — because that is what can be built fast enough to meet the demand.
AI is driving a major new wave of data center construction, and with it, a surge in demand for power and infrastructure. The International Energy Agency projects that the electricity consumption of global data centers could more than double to around 945 terawatt-hours by 2030, comparable to Japan’s entire electricity demand today.
That matters because much of the new electricity demand from data centers is still likely to be met by power sources where natural gas plays a central role. The backlog for new combined-cycle gas turbines — the more efficient type of gas plant, which generates electricity from both a gas turbine and the heat it produces — already stretches to five years. As a result, some data centers are turning instead to single-cycle gas turbines, which can be deployed more quickly but are even more carbon-intensive. In any case, that means fossil-fuel use for this generation of digital infrastructure is already largely locked in. Some of the emissions that follow can be reduced through efficiency and grid decarbonization, but a significant share will persist for years to come. I believe that closing this gap must be the job of carbon removal.
Carbon removal is the process of physically taking carbon dioxide back out of the atmosphere. At Climeworks, we have spent the past 17 years developing and deploying direct air capture technology that removes CO2 from the air and stores it in the ground for thousands of years. More recently, we launched our Climeworks Solutions business that works with third-party providers of other technology and nature-based carbon removal methods, such as reforestation, to help customers access a broader range of approaches and price points.
According to the United Nations Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change, carbon removal will be necessary if the world is to come close to meeting its climate goals, even alongside deep emissions cuts. For companies building and using digital infrastructure, the question this raises is simple: What do they do about the emissions they cannot yet eliminate?
The strongest near-term answer is to treat carbon removal as part of the cost of digital infrastructure — not as a substitute for clean energy, but as a complement to it. Trying to pair every data center directly with a direct air capture plant may sound attractive, especially because data centers have power, land and waste heat. But in practice, that kind of integration is still highly site-specific and not yet an easy model to repeat at scale. A more realistic solution is to treat carbon removal as part of the cost of cloud and AI products, where it can be built into existing pricing and contracts. In other words, carbon removal should be built into the cost of the digital product itself, rather than physically attached to every data center site.
The incentive is simple: As companies come under growing pressure to account for the emissions linked to the digital infrastructure they rely on, data center providers that offer a credible lower-emissions product will have an advantage.
One criticism of using carbon removal in this context is that it could prolong the use of fossil fuels. That concern deserves to be taken seriously, but it also needs a nuanced answer. There is an important difference between using carbon removal to justify new fossil infrastructure, and using it to address residual emissions that cannot yet be avoided. The latter is the role that serious climate frameworks assign to carbon removal.
Data center operators are not turning to natural gas because carbon removal exists. They are doing so because natural gas can provide the speed required by the current pace of compute growth. Carbon removal should therefore not be seen as a substitute for decarbonization, but as a way to manage a real constraint in an energy system that cannot decarbonize instantly.
The relevant comparison is not carbon removal versus renewables. It is unabated fossil-powered data center expansion versus expansion in which some of the resulting emissions are credibly and durably addressed. In that sense, the growth of AI infrastructure also creates an opportunity for carbon removal: It can bring larger volumes into the market, support scale-up, and help drive down costs over time.
The economics of integrating carbon removal into AI infrastructure are more feasible than one might assume. In December, Julio Friedmann, one of the best-known experts on carbon management and carbon removal, wrote in a Substack article that a gigawatt of advanced data center capacity can generate around $10 billion to $12 billion in annual revenues. Against that scale of value creation, the cost of addressing residual emissions through carbon removal becomes more manageable.
The emissions associated with that computing power depend heavily on how it is supplied. Based on our own calculations, assuming the current U.S. grid mix and utilization rates of around 85% to 100%, a gigawatt of data center capacity would emit approximately 3 million to 4 million tons of CO2 per year. Behind-the-meter natural gas generation would produce a similar level of emissions. Renewable power can reduce those emissions significantly, while nuclear power could reduce them further.
In practice, not every gigawatt of data center compute will be powered in the same way. But assuming roughly half is supplied by renewable or nuclear power, average residual emissions would still be around 2 million tons of CO2 per year for each gigawatt of compute. That is a substantial volume — and exactly the kind of residual emissions gap that carbon removal can help address.
A portfolio of carbon removal solutions, which can directly mitigate these emissions, only costs a few hundred dollars per ton. While that is a meaningful cost, it is manageable given the economics of AI products. It is affordable enough to make a start, especially for companies that want to offer a credible lower-emissions digital product.
So, who pays? In the near term, the most likely model is that cloud and AI service providers procure carbon removal and build the cost into their products, while customers create the commercial pressure and ultimately support that cost through procurement. Even if companies are speaking more cautiously about net zero than they were a few years ago, the underlying need for credible value-chain emissions data has not disappeared. Organizations still face growing pressure to account for scope 3 emissions through disclosure rules, investor-facing reporting frameworks and supplier requirements. As their use of cloud and AI grows, they will increasingly ask providers a simple question: What emissions come with this compute, and what are you doing about them? Once buyers start routinely asking that question, carbon removal moves from being a climate nice-to-have to a product feature.
Climeworks has reduced the cost of direct air capture significantly since our first plant came online, and that trajectory will continue as the market grows. But cost curves do not come down on their own. They come down when buyers decide that a cleaner product is worth paying for. The cost of solar electricity fell around 90% between 2010 and 2023, driven not just by technology but also by early procurement commitments from the likes of Google, Microsoft, and Amazon that gave manufacturers the confidence to invest at scale.
Carbon removal is approaching a similar inflection point. In April, Climeworks signed an agreement with NTT Data — one of the world’s largest digital and IT service providers — to remove carbon dioxide from the atmosphere, as part of its commitment to net zero.
The business case, then, is simple. The AI boom is creating enormous economic value. But it is also creating residual carbon emissions that cannot be avoided only by clean power and increased efficiency. The solution is not to wait for a perfect zero-carbon grid, and it is not to force a bespoke carbon removal engineering solution onto every data center site. I believe the solution is to integrate carbon removal into the digital infrastructure offer now, and let customers choose it. That’s how lower-emissions compute becomes real and scalable. And that is why carbon removal needs to become an essential part of responsible AI growth.
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Current conditions: A summer-like heat wave is driving up temperatures in Los Angeles past 100 degrees Fahrenheit • Hurricane Nolo is transitioning into Typhoon Nolo as it shifts into the western Pacific with winds of up to130 miles per hour • Hurricane Rachel is moving toward Mexico, stirring danger swells in Baja California.
The United States Supreme Court is starting its new nine-month term today hearing arguments in a major case from Exxon Mobil and Suncor Energy attempting to thwart a lawsuit by the city of Boulder, Colorado, seeking damages for the effects of climate change. SCOTUSblog called the litigation “one of biggest cases” of the next year, and “certainly one of the most significant business cases.” The conclusion of the case could scuttle dozens of similar lawsuits pending across the country. My colleague Emily Pontecorvo wrote earlier this year that the case has been winding up through the courts since 2018.
Meanwhile, 21 states and four cities united to sue the Trump administration last week over the Environmental Protection Agency’s repeal of all limits on greenhouse gas pollution from power plants. “This administration’s insistence on giving the nation’s biggest polluters a free pass will set our country back decades in the fight against climate change,” Letitia James, the attorney general of New York, told The New York Times. “Dismantling these protections is a betrayal of American families.”

In 2019, Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva, the once and future president of Brazil, emerged from prison and two years later, won back the nation’s top job from right-wing hardliner Jair Bolsonaro. Now Bolsonaro is in prison, and his son, Flávio Bolsonaro, is vying against the Brazilian leader commonly known as Lula for the country’s presidency. The candidates led the first round of voting, which finished Sunday, and will advance to the next round of voting on October 25, according to a tally on Folha de S.Paulo, the nation’s leading newspaper.
Under Lula’s reign, Brazil conserved an area of rainforest roughly the size of the state of New Jersey, all while ramping up oil production. Bolsonaro the younger threatens a return to his father’s policies of ramping up development in the Amazon and other wildernesses. “This is really bad for the Amazon — its Indigenous land defenders, its ecology. We’re getting close to the whole rainforest tipping into a savannah equilibrium; brutal for climate,” Daniel Aldana Cohen, an assistant professor at the University of California at Berkeley who has studied Brazilian climate politics, wrote on X. “These are years of incredibly high-stakes struggle between life & fascism.”
The price of Brent crude shot up to nearly $103 per barrel Sunday after Yemen’s Houthi rebels claimed to have attacked an Aramco refinery in the Saudi capital of Riyadh. In a statement posted Saturday on X, Houthi military spokesman Yahya Saree said the Iran-backed militants had launched “ballistic missiles and drones” at two facilities owned by the Saudi state oil company. Later on Saturday, Al Jazeera reported that the Saudi-led coalition supporting Yemen’s internationally recognized government had called the Houthi claims “misleading,” instead noting that the Houthis had suffered 97 “precise targeting operations” over the weekend.
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The Department of Energy is expected to announce a roughly $4 billion loan package to utility Vistra Corp. later today during Secretary of Energy Chris Wright’s visit to the Perry nuclear complex northeast of Cleveland that will fund upgrades to three of its nuclear stations. That’s according to reports in Bloomberg and Reuters. The package will fund upgrades at Vistra’s plants in Ohio and Pennsylvania.
It’s the latest attempt by the Energy Department to prop up the nuclear industry. In June, the Trump administration made what my colleague Robinson Meyer called its “big nuclear play,” providing nearly $20 billion in loans to joint ventures between the nation’s flagship reactor developer Westinghouse and utilities seeking to build the next AP1000s. South Korea, meanwhile, agreed last week to help build six AP1000s and two of the country’s own APR1400s, which Westinghouse has previously accused the state-owned Korea Hydro & Nuclear Power of ripping off from the leading American design.
International shipping giant FedEx has placed a record-setting order for 2,000 all-electric box trucks from the American startup Harbinger Motors, in a deal that — while reportedly worth more than $300 million — could save the company nearly three times as much in diesel costs, according to Electrek. As my colleague Matthew Zeitlin wrote recently, now is the worst time for diesel prices to surge.
When Rob caught up with Harbinger’s co-founder on our Shift Key podcast last year, the entrepreneur was largely discussing how tariffs had shifted the company’s manufacturing policy. But the Trump administration policy now making the bigger difference may be the effects of the war on diesel prices.
America’s favorite instant coffeemaker may be ready to put an end to its pod pollution. Keurig Dr. Pepper has launched AltaRounds, a new way of brewing coffee that the company says will slash waste by creating one-cup portions made from compressed coffee wrapped in a coating derived from seaweed instead of plastic, Bloomberg reported. AltaRounds can be disposed of like coffee grounds and can be composed at home. But using them will require buying a new kind of machine.
The proposal resolves an issue that has bedeviled the industry since 2022.
Is Rosemont about to be BAAJA blasted away?
In a 2022 decision formally titled Center for Biological Diversity v. U.S. Fish & Wildlife Service, the Ninth Circuit Court of Appeals ruled that Rosemont Copper Company its claim under the General Mining Act of 1872 did not give the company license to dump literally millions of tons of waste rock on adjacent Forest Service land. Though Rosemont argued that the use fell under the law’s provisions for “mill sites” on public lands used for mining, the court found that because the parcel in question lacked valid mining claims of its own, the Mining Act did not justify its use under its own permissive regime.
The conservative energy group ClearPath Action described the decision as “a significant departure from long-held mining practices.” Industry groups said that the decision would vastly extend and complicate the process of mining on public lands by putting areas with mineral claims into a separate legal and permitting category from adjacent land that had customarily been considered part of the mining development.
Almost immediately after the court decision, the mining industry and its allies in Congress got to work trying to “fix” the Rosemont decision in order to restore the pre-2022 status quo.
One proposed fix — the Mining Regulatory Clarity Act — has been introduced several times in both houses of Congress, including as far back as 2023 in a Senate bill co-sponsored by Catherine Cortez Masto of Nevada and Jim Risch of Idaho.
Another version of the bill, sponsored by Nevada Republican Mark Amodei, Nevada Democrat Steven Horsford, and Alaska Republican Mark Begich, passed the House of Representatives late last year with a handful of Democratic votes. Both bills would have explicitly established that miners could claim public land for waste rock disposal as long as it was “reasonably necessary” and “reasonably incident” to mineral development.
Now they may all be getting their wish. The comprehensive permitting bill introduced by Republican and Democratic leaders in the Senate known as the Bipartisan American Affordability and Jobs Act, includes the full text of the Mining Regulatory Clarity Act
Both parties have been trying to jumpstart the domestic mining and critical minerals industry, especially for materials key to energy sectors, such as copper and lithium. The long lead time it takes to permit and open a mine is one of the major barriers to developing the domestic mining industry (along with nasty price competition from overseas miners and refiners, especially those controlled by Chinese firms).
This is not the first time a bipartisan permitting bill has included what’s known a “Rosemont fix.” There was also one in the 2024 Energy Permitting Reform Act, and in the Senate FREEDOM Act introduced by Cortez Masto and Arkansas Republican Tom Cotton this past summer.
You may have noticed lots of Nevadans associated with these bills. That’s because “Nevada is to mining as Texas is to oil and gas,” Aaron Mintzes, deputy policy director of Earthworks, a frequent and vigorous adversary of the mining industry, told me
While environmental groups generally supported the Rosemont decision, some groups supporting the clean energy industry backed the Mining Regulatory Clarity Act, including Bipartisan Policy Center’s lobbying arm, the clean energy trade group Advanced Energy United, and the Zero Emission Transportation Association, which includes several copper and lithium companies among its members. (Mintzes described ZETA as “the lithium mining lobby” and an “outlier” among clean energy groups in supporting the Mining Regulatory Clarity Act.)
Instead of a technical fix that would comply with the spirit of existing law, Mintzes described the changes to mining regulation in BAAJA as giving mining companies “a nearly unlimited amount of public lands for their waste dumps, for their roads, for their pipelines, for their transmission lines, and for any other purpose that would be reasonably incident to mining.” That goes beyond the mill sites envisioned by the 1872 law, he said.
The National Mining Association, on the other hand, praised the bill Wednesday, with its president Rich Nolan saying in a statement that the existing permitting process is “mired in duplication, endless litigation and uncertainty,” and that “elected officials on both sides of the aisle have long acknowledged that the status quo cannot continue.”
Albert Gore, the executive director of the Zero Emission Transportation Association, told me that there was a “broad recognition” among miners, refiners, and operators that the Rosemont decision required a statutory fix.
“It needed to be clarified in order to remove uncertainty. It's hard enough to invest in mineral production in the United States,” Gore said.
BAAJA’s mining provisions also include the Abandoned Hardrock Mine Fund, which would be funded by maintenance fees collected by the Department of the Interior under the same 19th century mining law. This fund would support a program established by the 2021 Bipartisan Infrastructure Law to clean up abandoned mining sites.
In a transcript of a strategy call between environmental organizations on the BAAJA published by Punchbowl, Mintzes described the fund as “the one good thing I spotted in this bill so far.”
Exploratory projects are making a splash in Maine and Alaska.
A legal brawl is brewing over what could be the nation’s first underwater data centers.
Two subsidiaries of a new LLC named DeepGreen have applied for “preliminary” permits from the Federal Energy Regulatory Commission that would give four years of permission for studies and analysis towards constructing underwater data centers off remote coastlines in Maine and Alaska. The data centers as proposed would be powered entirely by tidal energy, as in, the power of waves themselves – a technological innovation from hydropower still being piloted around the world. Project descriptions submitted to FERC lay out what these data centers would look like in broad strokes: hundreds of hydrokinetic turbines, dozens of underwater “data center pods,” and miles of subsea cable. The permits would not authorize construction, which would need its own lengthy review process. But these early green lights would tee both areas up for years of potential conflict over hypotheticals that feel real to those on the ground.
There are upsides from purely a carbon emissions perspective. Relying on tidal energy suggests they’d be greenhouse gas-free, powered by the energy of the ocean. It would also eliminate the land use problem that upends so many AI data center projects. There are also clear environmental risks, as they’re also being suggested in ocean areas often coveted for protection, off coastlines where it’s unclear if the neighboring communities will accept them.
DeepGreen’s Alaska project is proposed within a more than 1,000-acre channel of the Cook Inlet, an estuary coveted by fishermen and wildlife conservation advocates, where fights over resource development already occur often. The upstart company’s Maine project is planned for the northernmost tip of the state, in the Bay of Fundy, which shares a transnational border with Canada. Canadian tidal power generation for the general populace marginally exists today in the Bay of Fundy – with major stipulations for marine life protection because it affects the general nature of water currents.
It’s crucial to note neither project has much information available online, sans brief text file project descriptions available through FERC’s online filing database. There is no public-facing website to date for the project, or for DeepGreen itself. When I contacted Louis Wolfson, a vice president at the company who is listed on company filings, he declined to talk about the developments over the phone and suggested I contact him at an email address listed in FERC application documents. That email address uses a website – “DeepGreenCoastal.com” – that does not seem to exist.
Still, we already know enough to say both development areas are likely to require substantial federal review. Not only does their presence in these waters almost necessitate it but both development areas receive considerable whale traffic. DeepGreen has already acknowledged a need to coordinate passive acoustic monitoring and “non-invasive study methodologies” with the National Marine Fisheries Service, the federal marine protection agency run out of NOAA. The Bay of Fundy is a prominent summer home for the endangered North Atlantic Right Whale and the National Marine Fisheries Service has already intervened in the FERC case for the Maine project, signalling in its filing that Endangered Species Act and fish habitat consultations “may be necessary for the project.”
The Center for Biological Diversity has also filed motions to intervene in both FERC cases, which they tell me is a prelude to potential litigation. “Putting one of these in the ocean just seems like a dystopian nightmare but it was especially alarming because of the areas they want to put these in,” Kristen Monsell, CBD Oceans Program Litigation Director, told me in an interview. “[The motions] are a step required in order for us to participate in the permitting process at FERC and then preserve our ability to challenge the decision in court if we think that’s necessary.”
In Maine, the coastline neighbors are the city of Eastport, which is vociferously opposed to this data center being built. The city passed a moratorium on data center development in response to the project and filed a request to intervene in its FERC case this week. “The City's concerns include potential effects on fisheries, marine habitat, water quality, currents, sediment, underwater noise, electromagnetic fields, equipment heat, existing uses of the waterway, and access to marine resources,” the city stated. “Questions also remain about equipment failure, storm damage, emergency response, equipment recovery, site restoration, and eventual decommissioning. These concerns are specific to the proposed placement and extended operation of computing and energy infrastructure on and beneath the seabed.”
In Alaska, DeepGreen doesn’t face a situation like Eastport with a bustling tourist destination-turned-nemesis, but there’s still quite a bit of local confusion and consternation.
The Kenai Peninsula Borough, which is the equivalent of a county-level government, is currently neutral on the development. But the Alaska Commercial Fisheries Conservation Alliance, a newly-formed nonprofit that includes fishing permit holders in the Cook Inlet, submitted a filing to FERC claiming the project site doesn’t properly take into account existing fishing permit holders and that “a preliminary permit proceeding that advances a project of this scale without any commercial fishing impact assessment” would fail the agency’s public interest obligations.
I asked DeepGreen if it had any comment on the litigation risk around their projects. This is what Louis Wolfson provided: “Preliminary permits under the Federal Power Act do not authorize construction or physical disturbance. Their sole purpose is to establish priority while environmental, bathymetric, and technical feasibility studies are conducted. Stakeholder participation is an expected and healthy part of the FERC regulatory process. DeepGreen welcomes the engagement of conservation organizations, local communities, and regulatory resource agencies as we evaluate whether these sites can deliver low impact, zero carbon infrastructure in full compliance with federal environmental laws."