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Three lessons from the climate law’s quasi-demise.

The Inflation Reduction Act, the historic climate law that Joe Biden signed in August 2022, was forged from the ashes of Democrats’ failure to enact a national carbon price a decade earlier. Lessons learned from that effort led to a policy package built around carrots rather than sticks, which could be passed through the filibuster-proof budget reconciliation process.
The strategy was successful in the sense that it got the IRA through Congress. It was unsuccessful, however, in that its reforms were not built to last.
The IRA’s architects envisioned the law as “a decadal project of national renewal that could build enthusiasm for the party and its ideas across partisan lines,” as the writer Kate Aronoff recently put it. After 10 years and hundreds of billions in federal spending, Americans would finally understand that tackling climate change could go hand in hand with job creation and economic development. The problem was that Democrats didn’t have 10 years to prove this out — they had less than two. They couldn’t, or didn’t, make their case, and we now know how the story ends.
Trump did not repeal 100% of the IRA, but he so thoroughly chopped and screwed it that it lost its original coherence and potential as a climate policy — most notably through sweeping changes to the tax credits for clean energy. Consumer credits for electric vehicles and building efficiency upgrades are gone. Wind and solar tax breaks will be phased out years ahead of schedule. Battery manufacturers and developers will be subject to potentially impossible sourcing rules barring Chinese imports. A type of coal — yes, coal — was added to the list of “critical minerals” that can claim a manufacturing subsidy.
So what have climate advocates learned this time?
We asked respondents to our 2026 Heatmap Insider Survey what, if any, lesson they took from the dramatic scale-back of clean energy tax credits in the One Big Beautiful Bill Act. It was an opportunity to reflect on what went wrong with the IRA and whether its dismantling offered any clues about a better direction for climate policy in the future.
While many of the clean energy tax credits have a history of bipartisan support, the Inflation Reduction Act, which extended and expanded them, did not. Not a single Republican voted for it. “It wasn’t so much the underlying policy in the IRA that was controversial, it was the process by which it was enacted,” Neil Chatterjee, chief government affairs officer at Palmetto and the former Federal Energy Regulatory Commission chairman, told us.
A few investors in our survey pool focused on the implications for their own corner of the climate puzzle, viewing it as a reminder to focus on business fundamentals. “Don’t plan on an indefinite subsidy for your long term business model,” a leading climate venture capitalist told us. Another VC expounded on why the changes were good, actually, arguing that “we figure out how to do things leaner and cheaper and faster in these scale backs, and we end up with really high performing businesses and ecosystems as a result of it.”
Two climate scientists remarked that the OBBBA showed them that any climate policy gains will have to be “constantly, continuously fought for” and that “it’s not enough to win once, you have to keep winning.”
Many of the replies coalesced around three clear themes.
One of the most common takeaways was that the rollout of the IRA was too slow and not visible enough. “Telling is not showing,” a veteran clean energy analyst told us. “The IRA was too abstract for people,” they said, drawing a contrast with the Great Depression-era Works Progress Administration.
About 15% of our respondents agreed. Some felt that there simply hadn’t been enough time to build up support for the law — “It did make me think that if there had been another term, the IRA would have succeeded,” Jonas Nahm, a professor at the Johns Hopkins School of Advanced International Studies, said. But others concluded that it was a failure either of the Biden administration or of the law’s design.
The big takeaway, Erika Reinhardt, the founder of the climate tech research and development nonprofit Spark Climate, told Heatmap, was “the need for a focus on implementation as much as policy, to cement whatever progress can be obtained.” An academic researcher who echoed that sentiment suggested that future policies come with “congressionally mandated benchmarks for performance.”
For another climate policy researcher, the lesson was that the government is just not as good at spending money as the law’s backers thought it would be. “We didn’t have enough administrative capacity to get the money out the door fast, and we had too many lawyers doing their perfectionist lawyer-y shit,” they said. If they could go back and change things, they would have pushed for more direct pay provisions, such as enabling homeowners to claim the tax credits immediately upon purchase of solar panels or heat pumps, rather than funneling funding through sluggish federal grant programs like Solar for All.
One policymaker who agreed that the IRA was held back by all of the “process that had to be set up,” said they came full circle back to putting a price on carbon. “We learned that the most efficient way to do this is still carbon pricing,” they said.
Another 15% or so of our climate insiders reflected on the pitfalls of a climate strategy that relies on subsidies. “Subsidies can be valuable instruments in the short term, but should never be relied on in the mid-term, let alone the long term,” Andrew Beebe, the managing director for the venture capital firm Obvious Ventures, told us. “Democrats should have focused more on legislating and regulatory reform, instead of just throwing money at everything,” another VC investor said.
Alex Trembath, the executive director of the Breakthrough Institute, told us his takeaway was that the country was not going to decarbonize at scale via tax credits. There might be some of that, he said, but “we will reach deep decarbonization increasingly through regulatory reform, like permitting reform, technology and licensing reform, things like that.”
Two social scientists also fell into this camp. One told us they felt “righteous vindication because I never thought tax credits were going to be successful, because it relies on voluntary action.”
Meanwhile, a few experts said that the scale-back of the tax credits were a “mixed bag” because the wind and solar tax credits were overdue to be phased out as those are mature technologies. “Wind and solar can operate just fine with or without those credits. It’s still cheaper than the next thing,” Francis O'Sullivan, the managing director of S2G Investments, told us. (For the record, not everyone agrees with this point of view.) To O’Sullivan, the problem is more that siting and permitting challenges are inflating costs.
The most common reply to this question — by far — was not exactly a new lesson. About a third of participants said something along the lines of, “Politics trumps everything.”
“It’s not a rational system, and you’re not going to win having the best argument,” the Columbia University researcher Chris Bataille told us. “You’re going to win if you play the politics right.”
Three separate people used the word “vindictive,” as in, “I was blown away by how purposely vindictive and stupid the Trump administration could be,” while another bluntly observed that “this administration is not sufficiently pro-industry to outweigh its desire to own the libs.”
Some were more pragmatic about the position Trump had put Republicans in. “I think the takeaway is people are going to do the politically convenient thing at the cost of any kind of economic or financially reasonable decision, and are also willing to throw their own voters under the bus,” one VC said, adding that the neutering of the IRA wasn’t a surprise, even if it was disappointing.
We also heard another variation of this political cynicism, with some insiders admitting how uncertain it made them about what could conceivably follow the IRA. “When that repeal occurred, I made a decision to stop talking about future events as particularly knowable in the United States,” one economist told us, adding that American democracy was “so unstable that we can’t predict anything with clarity in the near term.” Another economist told us that the lesson was to have “more humility” when it comes to theories of change for how to decarbonize, as they keep getting proven wrong.
While many of the responses in this category focused on how nonsensical the scale-back of the tax credits was, several offered a potentially more actionable idea. “To me, the lesson of the IRA was that this kind of transformational industrial policy requires much more bipartisan support,” one researcher said. “You need it to be consistent. You need it to survive these two year cycles.”
One policymaker took ownership of the issue. “We Democrats decided to go on our own and that made this bill a political target,” they said. “When you do it with one party, it’s not durable.”
The Heatmap Insiders Survey of 55 invited expert respondents was conducted by Heatmap News reporters during November and December 2025. Responses were collected via phone interviews. All participants were given the opportunity to record responses anonymously. Not all respondents answered all questions.
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The FREEDOM Act aims to protect energy developments from changing political winds.
A specter is haunting permitting reform talks — the specter of regulatory uncertainty. That seemingly anodyne two-word term has become Beltway shorthand for President Donald Trump’s unrelenting campaign to rescind federal permits for offshore wind projects. The repeated failure of the administration’s anti-wind policies to hold up in court aside, the precedent the president is setting has spooked oil and gas executives, who warn that a future Democratic government could try to yank back fossil fuel projects’ permits.
A new bipartisan bill set to be introduced in the House Tuesday morning seeks to curb the executive branch’s power to claw back previously-granted permits, protecting energy projects of all kinds from whiplash every time the political winds change.
Dubbed the FREEDOM Act, the legislation — a copy of which Heatmap obtained exclusively — is the latest attempt by Congress to speed up construction of major energy and mining projects as the United States’ electricity demand rapidly eclipses new supply and Chinese export controls send the price of key critical minerals skyrocketing.
Two California Democrats, Representatives Josh Harder and Adam Gray, joined three Republicans, Representatives Mike Lawler of New York, Don Bacon of Nebraska, and Chuck Edwards of North Carolina, to sponsor the bill.
While green groups have criticized past proposals to reform federal permitting as a way to further entrench fossil fuels by allowing oil and gas to qualify for the new shortcuts, Harder pitched the bill as relief to ratepayers who “are facing soaring energy prices because we’ve made it too hard to build new energy projects.”
“The FREEDOM Act delivers the smart, pro-growth certainty that critical energy projects desperately need by cutting delays, fast-tracking approvals, and holding federal agencies accountable,” he told me in a statement. “This is a common sense solution that will mean more energy projects being brought online in the short term and lower energy costs for our families for the long run.”
The most significant clause in the 77-page proposal lands on page 59. The legislation prohibits federal agencies and officials from issuing “any order or directive terminating the construction or operation of a fully permitted project, revoke any permit or authorization for a fully permitted project, or take any other action to halt, suspend, delay, or terminate an authorized activity carried out to support a fully permitted project.”
There are, of course, exceptions. Permits could still be pulled if a project poses “a clear, immediate, and substantiated harm for which the federal order, directive, or action is required to prevent, mitigate, or repair.” But there must be “no other viable alternative.”
Such a law on the books would not have prevented the Trump administration from de-designating millions of acres of federal waters to offshore wind development, to pick just one example. But the legislation would explicitly bar Trump’s various attempts to halt individual projects with stop work orders. Even the sweeping order the Department of the Interior issued in December that tried to stop work on all offshore wind turbines currently under construction on the grounds of national security would have needed to prove that the administration exhausted all other avenues first before taking such a step.
Had the administration attempted something similar anyway, the legislation has a mechanism to compensate companies for the costs racked up by delays. The so-called De-Risking Compensation Fund, which the bill would establish at the Treasury Department, would kick in if the government revoked a permit, canceled a project, failed to meet deadlines set out in the law for timely responses to applications, or ran out the clock on a project such that it’s rendered commercially unviable.
The maximum payout is equal to the company’s capital contribution, with a $5 million minimum threshold, according to a fact-sheet summarizing the bill for other lawmakers who might consider joining as co-sponsors. “Claims cannot be denied based on project permits or energy technology type,” the document reads. A company that would have benefited from a payout, for example, would be TC Energy, the developer behind the Keystone XL oil pipeline the Biden administration canceled shortly after taking office.
Like other permitting reform legislation, the FREEDOM Act sets new rules to keep applications moving through the federal bureaucracy. Specifically, it gives courts the right to decide whether agencies that miss deadlines should have to pay for companies to hire qualified contractors to complete review work.
The FREEDOM Act also learned an important lesson from the SPEED Act, another bipartisan bill to overhaul federal permitting that passed the House in December but has since become mired in the Senate. The SPEED Act lost Democratic support — ultimately passing the House with just 11 Democratic votes — after far-right Republicans and opponents of offshore wind leveraged a special carveout to continue allowing the administration to commence its attacks on seaborne turbine projects.
The amendment was a poison pill. In the Senate, a trio of key Democrats pushing for permitting reform, Senate Energy and Natural Resources ranking member Martin Heinrich, Environment and Public Works ranking member Sheldon Whitehouse, and Hawaii senator Brian Schatz, previously told Heatmap’s Jael Holzman that their support hinged on curbing Trump’s offshore wind blitz.
Those Senate Democrats “have made it clear that they expect protections against permitting abuses as part of this deal — the FREEDOM Act looks to provide that protection,” Thomas Hochman, the director of energy and infrastructure policy at the Foundation for American Innovation, told me. A go-to policy expert on clearing permitting blockages for energy projects, Hochman and his center-right think tank have been in talks with the lawmakers who drafted the bill.
A handful of clean-energy trade groups I contacted did not get back to me before publication time. But American Clean Power, one of the industry’s dominant associations, withdrew its support for the SPEED Act after Republicans won their carveout. The FREEDOM Act would solve for that objection.
The proponents of the FREEDOM Act aim for the bill to restart the debate and potentially merge with parts of the previous legislation.
“The FREEDOM Act has all the critical elements you’d hope to see in a permitting certainty bill,” Hochman said. “It’s tech-neutral, it covers both fully permitted projects and projects still in the pipeline, and it provides for monetary compensation to help cover losses for developers who have been subject to permitting abuses.”
Maybe utilities’ “natural monopoly” isn’t so natural after all.
Debates over electricity policy usually have a common starting point: the “natural monopoly” of the transmission system, wherein the poles and wires that connect power plants to homes and businesses have exclusive franchises in a certain territory and charge regulated rates to access them.
The thinking is that without a monopoly franchise, no one would make the necessary capital expenditures to build and maintain the power lines and grid infrastructure necessary to connect the whole system, especially if they thought someone would build a new transmission line nearby. So while a government body oversees investment and prices, the utility itself is not subject to market-based competition.
But what if someone really did want to build their own wires?
“There are at least two of us who do not think that electricity is a natural monopoly,” Glen Lyons, the founder of Advocates for Consumer Regulated Electricity, told me.
The other one is Travis Fisher, an energy scholar at the Cato Institute, who corrected his friend and colleague.
“Between me, and Joseph Schumpeter, and Wayne Cruz, and Glen Lyons, there’s at least four of us. Only three of us are alive,” Fisher said, referencing the Austrian economist Schumpeter, who died in 1950, and the libertarian scholar Cruz, who was a critic of the restructuring of the electricity market in the 1990s.
Fisher and Lyons, however, are the team behind a proposal put out on Tuesday by the libertarian Cato Institute calling for “consumer-regulated electricity.” Instead of a transmission system with a monopoly franchise that independent generators can connect to and sell power to utilities in a process regulated by a combination of a public utility commission and regional transmission organization or independent system operators, CRE systems would be physically islanded electricity systems that customers would privately and voluntarily sign up for.
Crucially, CRE would not be regulated under existing federal law, and would have no connection to the existing grid, allowing for novel price structures and even physical set-ups, like running on different frequencies or even direct current, Fisher said.
They would also, Fisher and Lyons argue, help solve the dilemma haunting electricity policymakers: how to bring new load on the grid quickly without saddling existing ratepayers with the cost of paying for utility upgrades.
“If enabled, CRE utilities would generate, transmit, and sell electricity directly to customers under voluntary contracts, without interconnecting to the existing regulated grid or seeking permission from economic regulators at the state or federal level,” the Cato proposal reads.
This idea has a natural audience among political conservatives, as it’s essentially a bet that more entrepreneurship and less regulation will solve some of our biggest energy system problems. On the other hand, utilities tend to be a powerful force in conservative politics at both the state and federal levels, which is one reason why these kinds of ideas are still marginal.
But less marginal than they have been.
Consumer-regulated electricity is more than just another think tank white paper. It has also won the approval of the influential American Legislative Exchange Council, better known as ALEC, a conservative group that writes model legislation for state legislatures to adopt. Fisher proposed version of the consumer-regulated utilities plan to the network in December of last year, and ALEC approved it in January.
A few days after the group finalized the model policy to allow CRE at the state level, Arkansas Senator Tom Cotton proposed his own version in the form of the DATA Act, which would “amend the Federal Power Act to exempt consumer-regulated electric utilities from Federal regulation.”
While the CRE proposal is a big conceptual departure from about a century of electricity regulation, the actual reform is modest. Fisher and Lyons propose a structure would apply solely to “sophisticated customers … who voluntarily contract for service and can manage their own risks,” i.e. big industrial users like data centers, not your home.
While this sounds like behind the meter generation, whereby large electricity users such as, say, xAI in Memphis, simply set up their own electricity plants, CRE goes further. The idea is to capture the self-regulation benefits of building your own power within a structure that still allows for the economies of scale of a grid. Or in the words of Cato’s proposal, CRE “would enable third-party utilities to serve many customers, resulting in lower costs, higher reliability, and a smaller environmental footprint compared to self-supply options.”
Fisher and Lyons argue that CRE would also have an advantage over so-called co-location, where data centers are built adjacent to generation and share interconnection with the grid, which still requires interacting with public utility commissions and utilities. The pair have also suggested that the Department of Energy and the Federal Energy Regulatory Commission use its existing rulemaking process on data center interconnection to encourage states to pass the necessary laws to allow islanded utility systems.
While allowing totally private utility systems may be a radical — and certainly a libertarian — departure from the utility regulation system as it exists today, proposals are popping up on both the left and the right to try to reduce utility influence over the electricity system.
Tom Steyer, the hedge fund billionaire and climate investor who is running for governor of California, has said that he would “break up the utility monopolies to lower electric bills by 25%.” In a January press conference, Steyer clarified that he “wants to force utility companies to choose cheaper ways of wildfire-proofing their infrastructure and give customers other options for buying power, including making it easier to build neighborhood-level solar projects or allowing more communities to operate their own local grids,” according to CalMatters. California already has some degree of retail choice, although a more expansive version of a retail competition model infamously collapsed during the 2001 rolling blackouts.
To Fisher, while his and Lyons’ proposal is in some ways radical, it is also not a particularly big risk. If there’s truly no demand for private electricity networks, none will be built and nothing will change, even if there’s regulatory reform to allow for it.“I’m not surprised to see it get traction,” Fisher said of the plan, “just because there’s no downside, and the upside could be absolutely nothing — or it could be a breakthrough.”
On offshore wind wins, China’s ‘strong energy nation,’ and Japan’s deep-sea mining
Current conditions: Yet another snow storm is set to powder parts of the Ohio Valley and the Mid-Atlantic • Cyclone Fytia is deluging Madagascar, causing flooding that left at least three dead and 30,000 displaced in a country still reeling from the recent overthrow of its government • Scotland and England are bracing for a gusty 33-hour blizzard, during which temperatures are forecast to drop below freezing.
He’s fashioned the military’s Defense Logistics Agency into a tool to fund mineral refineries. He’s gone on a shopping spree that made Biden administration officials “jealous,” taking strategic equity stakes in more than half a dozen mining companies. Now President Donald Trump is preparing to launch a strategic stockpile for critical minerals in what Bloomberg billed as “a bid to insulate manufacturers from supply shocks as the U.S. works to slash its reliance on Chinese rare earths and other metals.” Dubbed Project Vault, the venture will be seeded with a $10 billion loan from the Export-Import Bank of the U.S. and another $1.67 billion in private capital. More than a dozen companies have committed to work on the stockpile, including General Motors, Stellantis, Boeing, Google, and GE Vernova.
The shale industry, meanwhile, showed it’s matured enough to go through some consolidation. Oklahoma City-based gas giant Devon Energy is merging with Houston-headquartered Coterra Energy in an all-stock deal that CNBC said would create “a large-cap producer with a top position in the Permian Basin. The deal would establish a combined company with an enterprise value of $58 billion, marking the largest merger in the sector since Diamondback bought Endeavor Energy Resources for $26 billion in 2024. The deal comes as low prices from the global oil glut squeeze U.S. shale drillers — and as the possibility of more oil from Venezuela threatens the sector with fresh competition.
Offshore wind is now five-for-five in its legal brawls with Trump. With Orsted’s latest victory in the Sunrise Wind case on Monday, I’ll let Heatmap’s Jael Holzman serve as the ring announcer spelling out the stakes of the legal victory: “If the government were to somehow prevail in one or more of these cases, it would potentially allow agencies to shut down any construction project underway using even the vaguest of national security claims. But as I have previously explained, that behavior is often a textbook violation of federal administrative procedure law.”
Germany is set to quadruple its installed solar capacity to 425 gigawatts by 2045, according to a forecast from a trade group representing utilities and grid operators. The projections, Renewables Now reported, mean the country needs to expand its transmission system. Installed onshore wind capacity should triple to around 175 gigawatts by that same year. Battery storage is on track to rise about 68 gigawatts, from roughly 2 gigawatts today. Demand is also set to grow. Data centers, which make up just 2 gigawatts of demand on the grid today, are forecast to balloon to nearly 37 gigawatts in the next 19 years.
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In October, the Chinese Communist Party published the framework of its next Five-Year Plan, the 15th such industrial strategy. The National People’s Congress is set to formally approve the proposal next month. But on Monday, the energy analyst John Kemp called the latest five-word phrase, articulated in the form of “formal input” from the party’s Central Committee, “the most succinct statement of China’s energy policy.” Those words: “Building a strong energy nation.” The suggested edits from the committee described “accelerating the construction of a strong energy nation” as “extremely important and timely” and called its “main shortcomings” the ongoing reliance on imported oil and gas.
Unlike in the U.S., where the Trump administration is working to halt construction of renewables, the officials in Beijing boast that China’s “installed capacity of wind and solar has ranked first in the world for many consecutive years.” Like the U.S., the Central Committee pitched the plan as “an urgent requirement” for “gaining the initiative in great power competition.”
Japan is mounting a new push to implement a decade-old plan to extract rare earths from the ocean floor. A state-owned research vessel just completed a test mission to retrieve an initial sample of mineral-rich mud from a location 20,000 feet below the surface, the South China Morning Post reported. The government of Sanae Takaichi wants to start processing metal-bearing mud from the seabed for tests within a year. “It’s about economic security,” Shoichi Ishii, program director for Japan’s National Platform for Innovative Ocean Developments, told Bloomberg. “The country needs to secure a supply chain of rare earths. However expensive they may be, the industry needs them.”
With global negotiations over a licensing framework for legalizing deep sea mining in international waters has stalled, the U.S. just finalized a rule to speed up American permitting for the nascent sector, clearing the way for Washington to fulfill Trump’s pledge to go it alone if the United Nations’ International Seabed Authority didn’t act first.
A week after signing an historic trade agreement with the European Union, India has inked another deal with the U.S. That means the world’s two largest consumer markets are now wide open to Indian industry, which relies heavily on coal. New Delhi isn’t just going to scrap all those coal-fired factories and forges. But the government’s latest budget earmarks about $2.4 billion over five years to speed up deployment of carbon capture equipment across heavy industry, Carbon Herald reported. The plan focuses on steel, cement, power, refining, and chemicals.