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Three lessons from the climate law’s quasi-demise.

The Inflation Reduction Act, the historic climate law that Joe Biden signed in August 2022, was forged from the ashes of Democrats’ failure to enact a national carbon price a decade earlier. Lessons learned from that effort led to a policy package built around carrots rather than sticks, which could be passed through the filibuster-proof budget reconciliation process.
The strategy was successful in the sense that it got the IRA through Congress. It was unsuccessful, however, in that its reforms were not built to last.
The IRA’s architects envisioned the law as “a decadal project of national renewal that could build enthusiasm for the party and its ideas across partisan lines,” as the writer Kate Aronoff recently put it. After 10 years and hundreds of billions in federal spending, Americans would finally understand that tackling climate change could go hand in hand with job creation and economic development. The problem was that Democrats didn’t have 10 years to prove this out — they had less than two. They couldn’t, or didn’t, make their case, and we now know how the story ends.
Trump did not repeal 100% of the IRA, but he so thoroughly chopped and screwed it that it lost its original coherence and potential as a climate policy — most notably through sweeping changes to the tax credits for clean energy. Consumer credits for electric vehicles and building efficiency upgrades are gone. Wind and solar tax breaks will be phased out years ahead of schedule. Battery manufacturers and developers will be subject to potentially impossible sourcing rules barring Chinese imports. A type of coal — yes, coal — was added to the list of “critical minerals” that can claim a manufacturing subsidy.
So what have climate advocates learned this time?
We asked respondents to our 2026 Heatmap Insider Survey what, if any, lesson they took from the dramatic scale-back of clean energy tax credits in the One Big Beautiful Bill Act. It was an opportunity to reflect on what went wrong with the IRA and whether its dismantling offered any clues about a better direction for climate policy in the future.
While many of the clean energy tax credits have a history of bipartisan support, the Inflation Reduction Act, which extended and expanded them, did not. Not a single Republican voted for it. “It wasn’t so much the underlying policy in the IRA that was controversial, it was the process by which it was enacted,” Neil Chatterjee, chief government affairs officer at Palmetto and the former Federal Energy Regulatory Commission chairman, told us.
A few investors in our survey pool focused on the implications for their own corner of the climate puzzle, viewing it as a reminder to focus on business fundamentals. “Don’t plan on an indefinite subsidy for your long term business model,” a leading climate venture capitalist told us. Another VC expounded on why the changes were good, actually, arguing that “we figure out how to do things leaner and cheaper and faster in these scale backs, and we end up with really high performing businesses and ecosystems as a result of it.”
Two climate scientists remarked that the OBBBA showed them that any climate policy gains will have to be “constantly, continuously fought for” and that “it’s not enough to win once, you have to keep winning.”
Many of the replies coalesced around three clear themes.
One of the most common takeaways was that the rollout of the IRA was too slow and not visible enough. “Telling is not showing,” a veteran clean energy analyst told us. “The IRA was too abstract for people,” they said, drawing a contrast with the Great Depression-era Works Progress Administration.
About 15% of our respondents agreed. Some felt that there simply hadn’t been enough time to build up support for the law — “It did make me think that if there had been another term, the IRA would have succeeded,” Jonas Nahm, a professor at the Johns Hopkins School of Advanced International Studies, said. But others concluded that it was a failure either of the Biden administration or of the law’s design.
The big takeaway, Erika Reinhardt, the founder of the climate tech research and development nonprofit Spark Climate, told Heatmap, was “the need for a focus on implementation as much as policy, to cement whatever progress can be obtained.” An academic researcher who echoed that sentiment suggested that future policies come with “congressionally mandated benchmarks for performance.”
For another climate policy researcher, the lesson was that the government is just not as good at spending money as the law’s backers thought it would be. “We didn’t have enough administrative capacity to get the money out the door fast, and we had too many lawyers doing their perfectionist lawyer-y shit,” they said. If they could go back and change things, they would have pushed for more direct pay provisions, such as enabling homeowners to claim the tax credits immediately upon purchase of solar panels or heat pumps, rather than funneling funding through sluggish federal grant programs like Solar for All.
One policymaker who agreed that the IRA was held back by all of the “process that had to be set up,” said they came full circle back to putting a price on carbon. “We learned that the most efficient way to do this is still carbon pricing,” they said.
Another 15% or so of our climate insiders reflected on the pitfalls of a climate strategy that relies on subsidies. “Subsidies can be valuable instruments in the short term, but should never be relied on in the mid-term, let alone the long term,” Andrew Beebe, the managing director for the venture capital firm Obvious Ventures, told us. “Democrats should have focused more on legislating and regulatory reform, instead of just throwing money at everything,” another VC investor said.
Alex Trembath, the executive director of the Breakthrough Institute, told us his takeaway was that the country was not going to decarbonize at scale via tax credits. There might be some of that, he said, but “we will reach deep decarbonization increasingly through regulatory reform, like permitting reform, technology and licensing reform, things like that.”
Two social scientists also fell into this camp. One told us they felt “righteous vindication because I never thought tax credits were going to be successful, because it relies on voluntary action.”
Meanwhile, a few experts said that the scale-back of the tax credits were a “mixed bag” because the wind and solar tax credits were overdue to be phased out as those are mature technologies. “Wind and solar can operate just fine with or without those credits. It’s still cheaper than the next thing,” Francis O'Sullivan, the managing director of S2G Investments, told us. (For the record, not everyone agrees with this point of view.) To O’Sullivan, the problem is more that siting and permitting challenges are inflating costs.
The most common reply to this question — by far — was not exactly a new lesson. About a third of participants said something along the lines of, “Politics trumps everything.”
“It’s not a rational system, and you’re not going to win having the best argument,” the Columbia University researcher Chris Bataille told us. “You’re going to win if you play the politics right.”
Three separate people used the word “vindictive,” as in, “I was blown away by how purposely vindictive and stupid the Trump administration could be,” while another bluntly observed that “this administration is not sufficiently pro-industry to outweigh its desire to own the libs.”
Some were more pragmatic about the position Trump had put Republicans in. “I think the takeaway is people are going to do the politically convenient thing at the cost of any kind of economic or financially reasonable decision, and are also willing to throw their own voters under the bus,” one VC said, adding that the neutering of the IRA wasn’t a surprise, even if it was disappointing.
We also heard another variation of this political cynicism, with some insiders admitting how uncertain it made them about what could conceivably follow the IRA. “When that repeal occurred, I made a decision to stop talking about future events as particularly knowable in the United States,” one economist told us, adding that American democracy was “so unstable that we can’t predict anything with clarity in the near term.” Another economist told us that the lesson was to have “more humility” when it comes to theories of change for how to decarbonize, as they keep getting proven wrong.
While many of the responses in this category focused on how nonsensical the scale-back of the tax credits was, several offered a potentially more actionable idea. “To me, the lesson of the IRA was that this kind of transformational industrial policy requires much more bipartisan support,” one researcher said. “You need it to be consistent. You need it to survive these two year cycles.”
One policymaker took ownership of the issue. “We Democrats decided to go on our own and that made this bill a political target,” they said. “When you do it with one party, it’s not durable.”
The Heatmap Insiders Survey of 55 invited expert respondents was conducted by Heatmap News reporters during November and December 2025. Responses were collected via phone interviews. All participants were given the opportunity to record responses anonymously. Not all respondents answered all questions.
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The state is poised to join California and Quebec in North America’s largest carbon market.
Washington State’s carbon market is about to get much bigger — and much cheaper.
In June, the state signed an historic agreement to link its cap-and-invest program with the California-Quebec market, which has operated jointly since 2014. The deal will further expand what’s already the world’s largest subnational carbon market, a move climate advocates are celebrating even as they expect it to lower Washington’s carbon price, and in turn the revenue it generates for statewide climate-related initiatives.
“Climate pollution does not stop at state borders or national borders, and so the more jurisdictions can work together, this is only a benefit for the climate,” Katelyn Roedner Sutter, California’s senior director at the Environmental Defense Fund, told me. “When you have a larger market, it is much more stable, it’s much more efficient, and you can achieve emission reductions at lower prices.”
At a moment when the Trump administration is actively rolling back federal climate policy, the linkage offers a glimpse of what states and regional governments can accomplish via cooperation. The newly expanded market is set to go live next year, once the jurisdictions complete a series of regulatory steps that will enable joint auctions. This involves regulators from all three regions selling an ever-declining number of emissions allowances — i.e. permits to emit a certain amount of greenhouse gas — at a single price to a shared pool of bidders spanning the U.S.-Canada border. Ultimately, the Western Climate Initiative — a name that’s stuck even as it’s expanded geographically — will cover 80% to 85% of each market’s total emissions, including those from transportation, heating, power plants, and industrial facilities.
While emitters aren’t thrilled by the idea of carbon pricing, Dallas Burtraw, a senior fellow at the nonpartisan think tank Resources for the Future, told me businesses in these regions are generally enthused by the market stability linkage provides. “They want reduced oscillations, reduced variability in what’s happening in climate policy,” he told me. “And I think linking with Washington adds a degree of credibility and certainty also to the California program.”
The idea is that the larger and more deeply integrated the markets become, the more durable they’ll be. Or as Burtraw put it, “it’s like joining rafts together in a storm.” Once businesses begin making long-term investments and building compliance strategies around a shared market — and state budgets come to depend on its expected revenue — it becomes much more difficult for a new leader to simply pull out.
Such a thing is not unprecedented — Ontario pulled out of the California-Quebec market at the beginning of 2018 after joining just six months earlier when a new conservative government took office and scrapped the program. But that type of political flip-flopping is unlikely in staunchly liberal Washington state, and the longer any jurisdiction remains part of a linked market, the more difficult it will become to unwind.
That’s proven true for the country’s only other major carbon market, the Regional Greenhouse Gas Initiative, which covers fossil fuel power plant emissions across 11 Northeastern and Mid-Atlantic states. The initiative, which has been in place since 2009, has weathered multiple gubernatorial transitions and party turnovers, as well as state exits and reentries. New Jersey and Virginia, for example, have each left only to later rejoin. But through all the churn, the core market has remained intact.
For its part, Washington has been ideologically committed to a regionally linked carbon market since it passed the Climate Commitment Act, its cap-and-invest law, in 2021. The legislation explicitly directed the state’s Department of Ecology to “seek to enter into linkage agreements with other jurisdictions” to expand emission-reduction opportunities and lower compliance costs. But because the market didn’t formally launch until 2023, after which the state spent years modeling the effects of linkage and gathering community input, the agency wasn’t ready to formalize the linkage agreement until this summer.
“We’ve never thought that Washington was a big enough economy on its own to sustain the kind of greenhouse gas reductions that our statute calls for,” Washington State Representative Joe Fitzgibbon told me. Those ambitious goals include complete decarbonization of the electricity sector by 2045 and a 95% cut in economy-wide emissions by 2050, compared to 1990 levels. “That was really only going to be possible in a linked market.”
Fitzgibbon, like most climate advocates in Washington, has been a vocal supporter of market linkage — even though it will mean less revenue for Washington. Analysts expect the state’s relatively high carbon price, which currently hovers around $60 to $70 per metric ton of greenhouse gas emissions, to converge with the much lower price in the California-Quebec market, which sits at around $28. Since the latter market is roughly five times larger than Washington’s, modeling indicates the combined price will settle far closer to California and Quebec’s current level than Washington’s.
Whatever the final figure, it is sure to be strikingly different from Resources for the Future’s estimate of the true social cost of carbon: $185 per metric ton. But while climate advocates might theoretically favor higher energy prices to incentivize emissions reductions, Burtraw argues that achieving climate targets as cheaply as possible is critical, particularly at a time when affordability concerns dominate the political conversation.
“Linking will help identify the most cost-effective way to achieve emission reductions, and that’s going to reduce the cost for households,” he told me.
Legislators like Fitzgibbon knew Washington’s model wasn’t tenable in the long run, which was why the state planned to link its market from the beginning. But in the meantime, it’s certainly enjoyed the revenue generated by these costly allowances, which have helped fund billions of dollars in clean energy and electrification projects, public transit, EV incentives, and targeted investments in the low-income communities hit hardest by pollution. Once linkage takes effect, a report by Resources for the Future indicates that Washington’s cap-and-invest revenue could fall by as much as $25 billion cumulatively by 2045, compared with a scenario in which the markets remained separate.
That’s something the state has long anticipated. “The goal of the program was always to be first and foremost an emissions reducing program, not a revenue generator,” Fitzgibbon told me. “We expected that the windfall that the state of Washington received in 2023 and 2024, when the program was new and when allowance prices were really high was a temporary thing, and we tried to spend the money on one-time expenditures.”
While he interprets the loss in revenue as a sign that the program is working as intended, he does acknowledge it will force some difficult decisions, likely involving cuts to the state’s Department of Transportation, which he told me has been the single largest beneficiary of allowance auction revenue.
The linkage tradeoff also extends to regional emissions. RFF projects Washington will emit an additional 8 million to 14 million metric tons by 2045 compared with an unlinked market, as lower prices encourage businesses to buy allowances rather than funding long-term emissions reductions strategies. The think tank forecasts that the state’s emissions will still decline overall, however. And because higher prices in California will drive deeper emissions cuts there, RFF estimates the linked markets will ultimately deliver more than 50 million additional tons of reductions overall, producing a substantial net climate benefit.
“Anything that one jurisdiction does by itself as an island will be important, will be valuable, but it will be insufficient to achieve the goal that motivates Washingtonians or Californians to take this policy initiative in the first place,” Burtraw told me, referring to slowing climate change overall. Progress on this front, he said, “can only be successful if these leadership jurisdictions are successful in propagating climate policy to other jurisdictions.” When I asked people which states they thought would be next to join, the most common answers were Oregon and New York.
Not all climate advocates are fully onboard with the linked market, though. Some environmental justice advocates argue it does little for the air pollution burdening their communities — because while regional CO2 emissions may improve overall, merging markets doesn’t guarantee reductions in pollutants with more localized effects, such as PM2.5, sulfur dioxide, or nitrogen oxides. That’s especially true in Washington, where emitters will soon have the option to purchase cheaper out-of-state allowances instead of cutting local carbon emissions — and the co-pollutants released alongside them.
The Department of Ecology’s report laying out the legal and technical case for market linkage states that the agency “did not find evidence that carbon markets exacerbate air quality disparities generally, nor that linkage specifically would exacerbate air quality disparities.” It also points out that Washington’s Climate Commitment Act still requires that at least 35% of its revenue benefits vulnerable populations in the communities most affected by pollution — though as noted, that revenue is set to decline sharply under the combined market.
At any rate, now that Washington, California, and Quebec have all signed the formal linkage agreement, the focus has largely shifted to the remaining regulatory to-do list. Washington’s rulemaking, which will make its program technically compatible with the shared market, is expected to wrap up next month. California has a longer process ahead: The governor must first certify that the state meets the legal requirements for linkage, triggering a review and rulemaking process at the California Air Resources Board, which could stretch into 2027. Quebec, meanwhile, must complete its own regulatory steps to formally recognize Washington’s allowances.
Legislators aren’t saying exactly when in 2027 they expect the market to launch. Caroline Halter, a communications manager at the Department of Ecology, told me it should happen before November, the deadline for Washington emitters to submit their allowances and offset credits from the previous four-year compliance period.
But the finish line is coming into view. And while debate over details remains, there’s broad agreement among market economists and most climate advocates that a larger, linked system is a net win for the planet. And the case for cooperation is only getting stronger.
“States and provinces working together to address climate pollution when we have this complete lack of leadership at the federal level — it is more important than ever,” EDF California’s Roedner Sutter told me. “This is the time for climate ambitious states to be joining forces.”
On America’s Great Corridors of Commerce, Texas geothermal, and North Dakota carbon capture
Current conditions: Just a week after Tropical Storm Lala devastated the Big Island, a new tropical rainstorm is barreling toward Hawaii, threatening more flooding, strong winds, and choppy seas by this weekend • Forecasters reduced their estimates for the number of storms in this year’s Atlantic hurricane season as a particularly powerful El Niño’s effects ripple out from the Pacific and stir up winds that prevent hurricanes from forming • The air quality index in Kuching, Malaysia, hit 175, making the capital of Sarawak state the most polluted major city in the world this week as winds carry smoke from peatland and forests in neighboring Indonesian Borneo.
Data centers’ appetite for gas-fired electricity could, after years of flatlining and even declining, send emissions from the United States’ power sector soaring by at least 20%. That’s according to a new analysis by Bloomberg. Developers have proposed building at least 99 bespoke gas plants across the country that would, if run to industry-standard rates, emit about 318 million metric tons of carbon dioxide per year. Given that the whole U.S. electric power sector emitted about 1,485 million metric tons of carbon last year, this one sliver of the data center industry’s infrastructure could spike the electrical industry’s emissions by as much as a third. Not every plant is likely to be built. But the scale is growing. Just weeks after Amazon confirmed plans to back construction of the nation’s largest power plant, an off-grid gas-fired facility to power a major data center complex in Pennsylvania, OpenAI and Nvidia backed a proposal for an even bigger station in Ohio. As my colleague Robinson Meyer put it earlier this week, we have entered the “era of the gas mega-plant.”
The new estimate comes as more candidates for statewide office build campaigns around opposing data centers. The latest is Aaron Ford, Nevada’s attorney general and a Democratic candidate for governor, who vowed Wednesday to “pause tax breaks” for data centers if elected.
The Trump administration has launched an effort to fast-track permitting of data centers and utility infrastructure along federal highway and railway corridors. This week, the Department of Transportation took the first step to establish what it dubbed America’s Great Corridors of Commerce, along which the agency “will build, in record time, a new backbone for the world’s strongest economy.” In a public notice posted to a federal website Tuesday, the Transportation Department said the potential policy changes would aim to “drastically accelerate the siting, permitting, and financing of linear utility infrastructure projects, including electrical transmission lines, water pipelines along highways, pipelines along railways, fiber optic, and rural broadband.” The zones will also “incentivize data centers, manufacturing facilities, and distribution hubs to locate close to” the corridors “to leverage a ‘plug and play’ model for easy connectivity to new utility corridors.” The proposal, which is currently only a request for information before a September 12 deadline, would also “reduce administrative burdens” for state transportation agencies and railroads “giving them the vital technology backbone — from Wi-Fi and safety systems to intelligent transportation systems — needed to build the connected, intelligent transportation networks of tomorrow.”
If you want proof things can in fact get built, look — perhaps counterintuitively — to clean energy. Despite the Trump administration’s best efforts to curtail development of renewables, new data from S&P Global Energy shows that clean power is booming in America. The U.S. is on track to add a record 45 gigawatts of clean power this year — equal to the average electricity demand of all of Turkey. “There was a campaign promise to go against renewables, but at the same time they’re realizing that you can’t do without it,” Izzet Bensusan, chief executive of the energy investment firm Captona, told the Financial Times. “I don’t see a world where power demand is flattening out.”
Next-generation geothermal technology first debuted in the U.S. in 2013, when Ormat — the company I once embarrassingly called the “unc” of geothermal — completed a 1.7-megawatt demonstration project at a site in western Nevada. A decade later, Fervo Energy — the hot rock sector’s hottest new stock — started up its 3.5-megawatt, Google-backed demonstration plant in northern Nevada. Now one of Fervo’s closest rivals, Sage Geosystems, has joined the list. On Wednesday, Canary Media reported that the company had begun producing power at its 3-megawatt Texas pilot plant in April. Like Fervo, Sage is using the same horizontal drilling and fracking technology that transformed America into the world’s top producer of both oil and gas. Cindhy Taff, the chief executive, spent decades at the helm of Royal Dutch Shell’s fracking division. For a refresher on how the technology works, I recommend this 101 explainer my colleague Matthew Zeitlin wrote last summer.
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The Trump administration is doing all it can to keep coal-fired stations from retiring, even funding construction of the first U.S. new coal plants in over a decade. But an electrical cooperative in North Dakota is thinking about how to keep a coal-fired plant open even if a future White House looks to crack down once again on emissions. On Wednesday, the North Dakota Monitor reported Minnkota Power Cooperative had inked a deal to work with a carbon capture and storage developer to revive a long-stalled project. The state’s Clean Sustainable Energy Authority recommended approving a combined $205 million in loans for the partnership between Minnkota and Reliant Carbon Capture & Storage. The state industrial commission — to which the sustainability agency, established in 2021, reports — will have final approval.
Canada’s largest oil producers, meanwhile, told Reuters they plan to make a final investment decision on a sweeping carbon capture project called Pathways in Alberta by the end of next year.

Taiwan’s long-stalled offshore wind buildout was supposed to justify the self-governing island’s shutdown of its nuclear power stations. Yet the Taiwanese successfully constructed less than 5 gigawatts of offshore turbines before powering down the last reactor. That put the country at a deficit since the atomic stations once provided more than 5 gigawatts of power, and left a place widely considered to be at risk of a Chinese invasion in the coming years more reliant on imported fossil fuels. But Orsted is now stepping up to build more turbines. On Wednesday, the Danish giant announced plans to develop a new 2-gigawatt project off Taiwan. The project is the larger, second phase of the Dadu plant the company is already developing, according to offshoreWIND.biz.
Deforestation and aquaculture across Southeast Asia’s fast-growing economies have destroyed mangroves at an alarming rate. But here’s some good news: Even more new mangroves are growing back in other parts of the world. Global mangrove cover has increased over the past 40 years, with a net gain of 47,720 hectares, or about 185 square miles between 1985 and 2025. That’s according to a new tally by Global Mangrove Watch, a project at Aberystwyth University in Wales. Indonesia has lost nearly 800 square miles of mangrove since 1985, and Myanmar, Malaysia, and Nigeria record significant declines. Australia, India, and the Philippines, by contrast, saw growth. “The overall increase in mangrove cover is encouraging, but it also shows that progress is uneven, with some regions continuing to experience significant losses,” Pete Bunting, a researcher at Aberystwyth University whose work was part of the study, said in a press release. “The findings also highlight the complexity of mangrove change, with gains in some areas linked to both restoration efforts and natural processes.”
Rob digs into a new paper with a radical new idea to fix California’s economy with the Breakthrough Institute’s Lauren Teixeira.
California now has the most expensive electricity in the continental United States. It also has expensive housing … and an increasingly broken home insurance market.
Are the three phenomena linked? They might be. Due to a peculiarity in the state’s constitution, electricity utilities are incentivized to pay for a huge amount of wildfire prevention, above and beyond what would be seen as economically reasonable in another state. Fixing that constitutional peculiarity could help bring down energy costs and heal the home insurance market, but it will be complicated — and a number of policies will need to get passed at the same time.
That’s what Lauren Teixeira argues in her new report, “Rewiring Risk.” Teixeira, a senior climate and energy analyst at the Breakthrough Institute, joins Rob for today’s episode of Shift Key. They discuss how California found itself in this situation, how it might be fixed, and why the state treats utilities as a sin-eater for wildfire risk.
Shift Key is hosted by Robinson Meyer, the founding executive editor of Heatmap News.
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Here is an excerpt from their conversation:
Robinson Meyer: How much of this is an issue of it’s very hard to raise tax revenue in California, but it’s very easy to raise electricity rates? Speaking of the prop system, right, it’s very hard to pay to increase the tax base in California. But the CPUC can raise electricity rates when the utility asks it to do so.
Lauren Teixeira: I think that’s a big part of it, yeah.
Meyer: And so to some degree, this is the public’s in California — not the public in the sense of the government, but the public in the sense of society’s easiest way of raising revenue in the California system. And so therefore, it’s the revenue that tends to get raised. Unfortunately, it’s very regressive and bad for climate policy.
Teixeira: Right. It’s a tax through a different system. It’s a regressive tax. And it’s rational to do that. But as I argue in my report, this is actually a really ineffective and inefficient way of reducing wildfire risk. And that, you know, say we weren’t parking all of this on the utilities,.I think it’s very possible we would get a lot more risk reduction for the same amount of money, in that when it’s all on the utilities, they could very expensively underground a power line or a local municipality or property owner could construct a fuel break or do mitigation much more cheaply, and reduce the same amount of risk. But with the status quo, we end up with the expensive power line instead of the fuel break.
And I think that’s a huge loss of opportunity because obviously wildfire is very dangerous and bad, and we want to get as much risk reduction for a certain sum of money as we can. So what we have right now is the politically convenient thing, but it’s not the most risk reducing thing. And the most risk reducing thing is not the politically convenient thing. But we may have to go toward it because electricity rates have also become politically unattainable.
You can find a full transcript of the episode here.
Mentioned:
Lauren’s report: Rewiring Risk
Rethinking Utility Wildfire Risk in California
Previously on Shift Key: How California Broke Its Electricity Bills
Previously on Shift Key: How Wildfires Destroyed California’s Insurance Market
This episode of Shift Key is sponsored by ...
Discover the Yale Clean and Equitable Energy Development online certificate program at the Yale Center for Business and the Environment. In this fully online, 5-month program, you’ll learn from leading experts, develop practical skills, and grow a powerful network. Visit cbey.yale.edu to learn more and apply.
Music for Shift Key is by Adam Kromelow.