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Robinson Meyer:
[0:59] Hello, it’s Wednesday, April 15, and there’s big news in the small but extremely important world of carbon removal. Last week, Microsoft informed some partners and suppliers that it’s pausing its carbon removal purchases. I first reported the news here at Heatmap on Friday. Bloomberg and Carbon Herald have confirmed the story as well. And it’s a huge deal for the carbon removal industry. That is, the set of companies trying to develop technologies that can reduce or eliminate heat-trapping carbon dioxide from the atmosphere. Sometimes you’ll hear it get called CDR for carbon dioxide removal. And no matter what you call it, in recent years, Microsoft basically was the industry. Since 2020, it’s bought more than 70 million tons of carbon removal, which is 40 times more than any other organization or coalition has purchased. The CDR scientist Julio Friedmann told me that there are lots of tech companies out there whose whole business model was basically, we’re going to develop a CDR technology, and then we’ll sell to Microsoft. Well, now Microsoft won’t be buying any more, at least for the time being.
Robinson Meyer:
[1:59] I think it’s important to intervene here and say CDR is not a nice-to-have technology. The IPCC says we’ll need carbon removal to meet the Paris Agreement’s goals. And by one estimate, the world will need to be removing 7 billion to 9 billion tons of carbon a year by 2050 in order to maintain its Paris targets. Now, Microsoft, for its part, says its program isn’t totally over. Melanie Nakagawa, their chief sustainability officer, told me in a statement, quote, our carbon removal program has not ended. We continue to both build on and support our existing portfolio of nature-based and technology-based solutions. At times, we may adjust the pace or volume of our carbon removal procurement as we continue to refine our approach towards sustainability goals. Any adjustments we make are part of our disciplined approach and not a change in ambition, unquote. But even if just the pace and volume are changing, it’s still a big deal. We are going to need this technology, and we just lost its biggest buyer. So what comes next? Here to chat about it today is Jack Andreasen Cavanaugh. He’s the director of the Carbon Management Program at the Center on Global Energy Policy at Columbia University, and he’s the president of Carbon Middle Management Incorporated. He was previously policy manager for carbon management at Breakthrough Energy. Jack and I talk about the history of CDR, what Microsoft’s departure might mean, and what’s coming next for the industry. I’m Robinson Meyer, the founding executive editor of Heatap News, and it’s all coming up on Shift Key. Jack Cavanaugh, welcome to Shift Key.
Jack Andreasen Cavanaugh:
[3:26] Thanks for having me on, Rob. Good to see you.
Robinson Meyer:
[3:28] Good to see you. So let’s start here. Why was Microsoft such an important player in the carbon removal system?
Jack Andreasen Cavanaugh:
[3:35] Yeah, well, I think it’s important to do, you know, a little unearthing of the history of carbon removal, how we got to where we’re at today.
Jack Andreasen Cavanaugh:
[3:43] There was, you know, a lot of seminal work done in the 1990s, the early 2000s about this crazy thing called direct air capture, where you could remove CO2 from the ambient air.
Jack Andreasen Cavanaugh:
[3:54] And a lot of that was done by Klaus Lochner and David Keith, who have both founded different director capture companies, David Keith, carbon engineering, which was eventually sold to Occidental Petroleum. And then it was mostly R&D academic research. And then in 2019, Stripe, the payment processing company, announced $1 million for purchasing of carbon dioxide removal. And then in 2020, Microsoft announced their net negative by 2030 sustainability goal. And in 2022, that was followed up by the Frontier Fund, which was Stripe following on with a number of other partners, a $1 billion advanced market commitment. And so up until that point, what we think of today as carbon removal and the carbon removal market really didn’t exist. And so Microsoft was the first to get in and say, we are going to put relatively large capital outlays towards purchasing carbon removal alongside what Frontier did with the advanced market commitment and essentially kicked off a massive hype cycle for CDR that went across some government policy and certainly private investment.
Robinson Meyer:
[5:11] That history is super helpful. And also I feel like it is worth kind of hammering that at least when I started being a climate reporter, which was like 2016, 2017, 2015,
Robinson Meyer:
[5:23] carbon removal was seen as this purely science fictional technology. Like basically something we might need to develop down the line. There had been work on it done. It was a little taboo to talk about it because the sense was that talking about it would discourage the work of emissions reductions. And there was a sense that it would be really hard. And I mean, it is really hard, but there was a sense that it was like something to talk about in decades to come, but not something we were going to be talking about scaling in the next 10 years. And I do feel like the big milestone there, you know this, I’m just injecting it into the history, was the 1.5C report from the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change, which kind of said, hey, if the world wants to hit 1.5C or even 2C, first of all, it would be really bad for us to hit 1.5C. There’d be lots of near-term consequences. And of course, it’s pretty clear those are going to happen now. But there was a lot of energy around avoiding that. But also, if we want to not be at 1.5C by the end of the century, then the only way to do that is to know that we’re going to overshoot in the middle of the century and then draw down carbon at the end of the century. And that will require carbon removal. And so therefore, we need to start working on this technology now. And at least for me, that was the point as a reporter where it went from like, is this real? Should I be thinking about this? Like, does this matter? It seems like it would be a useful thing to have, but maybe there’s a reason nobody’s talking about it to like, oh, this is just like a tool that we are going to need to deal with climate change. And we need to start working on the tool now.
Jack Andreasen Cavanaugh:
[6:52] Yeah, absolutely. And, you know, not to, there’s a much longer history than I laid out. I mean, to your point on the IPCC report, my colleague at Columbia, Noah Deich, founded Carbon180 around the time of that report coming out, which is the first CDR-specific NGO. And there were all sorts of folks that were talking about thinking about building a lot of the frameworks in the federal programs that we have today and building the bedrock of scientific understanding and R&D that have become companies today. And so a lot more happened, but you’re totally right that that report really kicked, like brought carbon removal from, you know, the sort of fringes of climate discussions into a more focal point that we are going to need this at a relatively large scale to reach any climate goals, 1.5 or above.
Robinson Meyer:
[7:43] Yeah. So without that context preloaded then, what was the importance of Microsoft to the carbon removal market? Because it seemed to play a pretty essential role.
Jack Andreasen Cavanaugh:
[7:52] Yeah. So as you reported, I laid out in a piece that I published as well, Microsoft was somewhere around 80% of all voluntary carbon removal purchases in the market. And so just to be clear, voluntary means voluntary. This was done not because of any sort of compliance regulatory mechanism or some sort of incentive to be able to purchase. This was part of their sustainability plan. And being 80% of the market is a really interesting position to be in. And Microsoft, not just on the purchases that they made, the billions of dollars they have allocated towards carbon removal, they haven’t just done that, which in and of itself is an incredible thing to be able to get through all the intermachinations of a for-private business to be able to do this with discretionary spending. But they also then had the ability to sort of shape criteria, standardized contracts, all of these sorts of enabling pieces of financial and project infrastructure to be able to work, de-risk some aspects of the carbon removal market the voluntary market and so yeah they were quintessential in being able to buy build and then also bring in other buyers into the market to some extent now they tried very hard i’m sure they wished that more folks would have joined them but yeah if you’re 80% of the market you are the market essentially.
Robinson Meyer:
[9:20] It’s funny, I’ve been reporting out the consequences of this pullback from Microsoft or this pause or whatever we’re going to call it. And I think a number of folks in the industry have said, well, Microsoft did actually was amazing. I mean, they set this ambitious goal and they have met it and they’ve bought, I think, depending on how you count, 20 to 25 times more carbon removal than anyone else. It’s that that hasn’t been followed by other companies. The frontier companies are in second place, right? But it’s after that, no one has shown up to the same extent as Microsoft has. And that’s really significant. So I guess that naturally leads to the next question, which is how bad is it that Microsoft has gone? What does it mean for the carbon removal economy? And let’s bracket that like stuff should happen next. I mean, let’s bracket that, but let’s just kind of track fallout for now. How bad is it that Microsoft is now gone given that they were 80% of the market?
Jack Andreasen Cavanaugh:
[10:11] Yeah. So starting out, it’s obviously not good, right? There’s no way to sugarcoat losing potentially 80% of the market is good for an industry.
Jack Andreasen Cavanaugh:
[10:22] However, you look at broad sweeping trends across the voluntary carbon market across public policy, which I know that we’ll get to. And we were already in the downturn of the large scale venture capital and some project finance level investment that went into CDR. And so what you have is hundreds of companies that are doing some form of carbon dioxide removal. Very few of those have a credible ability to claim that they are going to remove the amount of tons that Microsoft was buying. Microsoft was buying relatively large tonnage amounts, right? The hundreds of thousands, potentially millions of tons per purchase. And so not that many companies had the ability to scale, were at the appropriate time in their technology to scale that big. And so it’s actually, relative to the entire CDR industry, a fairly small subset of companies that could even have considered Microsoft as a potential buyer. Now, that leaves the 20% of the market that tends to buy in slightly smaller amounts. And so you have all of those folks, including the potential large-scale providers, now fighting over 20% of the market. And fundamentally, what it will mean is just an acceleration of something that was going to happen anyway, which is consolidation and bankruptcies or dissolutions. This was always going to happen at this moment because we don’t have supportive policy.
Jack Andreasen Cavanaugh:
[11:49] And everyone in CDR knew it was in every conference, every conversation knew that this moment was going to happen. There was going to be a moment where Microsoft wasn’t going to buy the clip that they are anymore. And so you really could have had this story written for two years. And it was just like hit send when it occurred. And we’re just at that point right now.
Robinson Meyer:
[12:07] Something that’s come up in my reporting that I think is now kind of an interesting facet of the next step here is that because Microsoft was buying so much more than anyone else, there was no one else who was able to set prices with them. They were kind of setting the price and they were doing all the price exploration themselves as one firm, which is obviously suboptimal, let’s put it that way, and very tricky, I think, as a place to be in as a buyer. And I guess now there’ll be a lot more competition for buyers. And so maybe the price of carbon removal will fall. I don’t know. But one of the problems with no other buyer showing up is that Microsoft basically had to do all the price discovery itself. What are the next steps for carbon removal? It sounds like there is going to be a wave of bankruptcies to some degree. Maybe that’s a little inevitable. It’s a growing technology. But on the other hand, we’d like to retain the ability to continue to make advances in carbon removal technology. So like what should happen next across the market?
Jack Andreasen Cavanaugh:
[13:03] You’re absolutely right. There are going to be consolidations. There are going to be bankruptcies. The consolidations are going to increase the runway for the companies that will consolidate to try to hold on as long as they can. There’s an organization called Ctrl-S that Jason Hochman started up that is looking to retain some of the IP for some of these bankruptcies.
Robinson Meyer:
[13:22] My colleague, Emily Pontecorvo, wrote a story about it, which we’ll stick in the show notes.
Jack Andreasen Cavanaugh:
[13:26] Yeah, yeah. Yeah, and I think it’s an interesting model because there is an incredibly diverse set of technologies. Within every CDR pathway, there’s a hundred different DAC companies or something like that, and they all do something slightly different. And you could imagine a world in which there is incentivizing policy for carbon removal. That IP could be valuable to folks to be able to learn faster, to build quicker.
Jack Andreasen Cavanaugh:
[13:50] I also just want to take a brief note, just a moment to say, I’m like, what happens next is it is sort of incredible to me that there was a moment in time that there were folks at Microsoft, that got in with the C-suite, with the people that were allocating capital within the company and were able to carve out this program. That is amazing. This is voluntary discretionary spending at billions of dollars. And although the tech companies have free cash flow to be able to spend on this, having that same conversation today almost feels impossible, like going into, and Microsoft did have these conversations with a lot of other private companies about trying to spur folks into the market. And that’s sort of incredible. And so one pathway forward, I think that it’s been clear that sort of shut off is I don’t have a lot of confidence that there are going to be new private buyers at a meaningful amount. I just don’t think when you look at the broad fiscal reality of the world at the moment, that it just makes sense for any amount of discretionary spending to be spent on carbon removal, let alone many other climate technologies.
Robinson Meyer:
[14:57] And the key kind of elephant in the room here, right, is that a lot of the private spending on climate technologies, be it carbon removal or renewable construction and development or electric vehicle manufacturing, frankly, was coming from
Robinson Meyer:
[15:11] these big tech companies. I mean, Amazon is an investor in Rivian, right? And is it major source of offtake for Rivian to buy a lot of Rivian delivery vans? Apple and Google and Microsoft had these very aggressive renewable acquisition targets. And part of what’s happened over the past three years is that all the companies that were doing, basically directing some amount of free cash flow to climate investment, have become basically cash strapped light industrial companies that have to build as much physical infrastructure as they can and as much power generation infrastructure as they can. And every dollar matters much more than it did, say, two or three years ago. I think the exception would be Apple here. But for a while, we were able to kind of finance a lot of the climate ecosystem off the back of what was basically an employee perk because it was a very aggressive market for tech employees and they liked working at companies that had these big climate programs. And that is like fully over. The bull market for tech labor employment is over. The ability of these companies to finance climate tech is over. The willingness of them to finance climate tech as opposed to to dump another marginal dollar into data center development or AI model development is over. Like it’s all over.
Robinson Meyer:
[16:27] And that’s a major moment, not only for I mean, to some degree, carbon removal is like most illustrative version of it because it was the closest to like the gargoyle on the cathedral for Microsoft. The beautiful thing they could fund as a result of their incredible societal surplus, but like it’s over for a lot of different things.
Jack Andreasen Cavanaugh:
[16:45] Yeah. And, and like you said, this is just one story amongst many other stories
Jack Andreasen Cavanaugh:
[16:50] that could be written in, in a similar vein. And to your original question about where to go forward from now, You could have another surplus of what you just described come up and you, climate commitments could kick back up again. And we would just do this whole thing over again. We would run it back and we would be having this conversation, you know, five years from now or whenever that is. And the way to hedge against that from happening and to some extent stop it from happening is to have federal governments across the globe pass durable policy that either compels the regulation or incentivizes the deployment of carbon dioxide removal and that because carbon dioxide removal outside of the co-benefits of some pathways, which are fantastic, just removing carbon from the atmosphere for pure carbon sake. Is the tragedy of the commons in a single climate technology entity. Like this is something that will need federal support in the long run to some extent in a way that other climate technologies don’t. That’s true of most of the carbon management world, but it is uniquely true of CDR.
Robinson Meyer:
[18:01] But it’s a form of waste management. Trash and recycling also require ongoing government support. Now, at this point, it tends to come from the state and local level. But governments still pay to handle waste. That’s part of what we expect governments to do. It’s just that this waste happens to be in the atmosphere and requires a particularly high form of technology to dispel.
Jack Andreasen Cavanaugh:
[18:23] Yeah, it’s a very costly trash pickup service. And it also is contingent upon people caring about the trash. There is a relatively large constituency around the world that is unconvinced that the trash is an issue. And that is the big challenge.
Robinson Meyer:
[18:40] Yeah, agnostic on the trash. You know, historically, Congress has been quite supportive of carbon removal technology, but the current administration has not been as supportive. What has been funded in terms of federal policy that could potentially begin to pick up the pieces here? And then what should be funded with a more constructive Congress, a more constructive administration? What kind of policy should we eventually hope to see that could fight off some of this carbon removal wave of consolidation and bankruptcies?
Jack Andreasen Cavanaugh:
[19:11] Well, there was some appropriations money that was put into place for carbon removal R&D, and that is valuable and it’s good to be able to work on the research and development to help scale these technologies. But in terms of actual federal funds that have been spent, the DAC hubs program at the end of the Biden administration issued two $50 million grants to the large DAC hubs. That is the full extent to which is the monies that have been spent on the $3.5 billion DAC hubs program. The rest of that money is sitting at DOE, going through some internal review or whatever is happening at the moment with the DAC hubs program.
Robinson Meyer:
[19:53] It’s like the movie Brazil, presumably.
Jack Andreasen Cavanaugh:
[19:55] Yes, exactly. The purchase prize is in a similar position, paused indefinitely, unclear of if or when that money will be spent. And the only existing policy that incentivizes carbon removal to any extent only incentivizes direct air capture and BECCS which is the 45Q tax credit you.
Robinson Meyer:
[20:14] Get 180 dollars a ton if you remove a ton of carbon from the atmosphere
Jack Andreasen Cavanaugh:
[20:17] Yeah with direct air capture one yeah and and with BECCS you would get 85 dollars a ton and that you know to count that as CDR there are some LCAs in terms of what biomass feedstocks you’re using into the process.
Robinson Meyer:
[20:32] But remind listeners what BECCS is.
Jack Andreasen Cavanaugh:
[20:34] Oh, bioenergy with CCS. So you burn some sort of biomass feedstock and capture that CO2 at a point source. So you could imagine heat and power being used to create pulp and paper, and then you capture the CO2. And that receives $85 a ton because it’s point source capture. But even then, $85 a ton is not enough to reach final investment decision on the BEX facility. and $180 a ton isn’t enough to reach profitability for a DAC company. And so you still have to make up the delta to profitability and that is in the voluntary market, which as we discussed, has greatly retracted and the appetite for relatively expensive DAC credits is pretty low right now considering the fiscal situation of it all. And so.
Jack Andreasen Cavanaugh:
[21:18] If I’m looking at it right now from the U.S. federal government, there’s basically very little to no current outlays for carbon removal. Going forward, there was a specific carbon removal tax credit that was introduced that had increased dollar amounts for various forms of CDR, basically functionally all forms of CDR. There has been discussions of in carbon border adjustment mechanism that Europe put in, Senator Cassidy as well as Senator Whitehouse each have a sort of trade policy as a sort of response to the carbon border adjustment mechanism. And that could include compliance pathways for carbon removal. I think it is important that, Because the cost of carbon removal is so high and because the political winds of the United States have been shifting very rapidly back and forth in terms of how political parties view climate and execute on climate policies or not execute on climate policies, that you have as many bites of the apple as you can. And CDR is embedded into as many policies as you can get it into, whether it’s trade policies, whether it’s tax credits, whether it’s direct procurement, or even farming smart programs for soil carbon sequestration. And there’s all sorts of different policy and regulatory opportunities. It’s just a matter of which ones the politics and the finances will allow.
Robinson Meyer:
[22:41] What’s happening around the world? Are other countries beginning to put money toward carbon removal that are not the U.S.?
Jack Andreasen Cavanaugh:
[22:47] Yeah, Canada has a $10 million procurement program, which is the first procurement program of its kind that’s ever been put into place. They’re soliciting proposals for that now. I mean, $10 million admittedly isn’t a lot, but it’s something. And you build on policies like this, and so it’s a good first start.
Robinson Meyer:
[23:04] $10 million Canadian.
Jack Andreasen Cavanaugh:
[23:06] Yeah, that is true. $10 million Canadian. And then in Europe, Europe is integrating carbon removals into their emissions trading system. And that the final rules on that will happen in the next couple of years, which leaves a gap in terms of when that market will be accessible. Japan has compliance pathways in their domestic ETS for carbon removal. But in terms of pure policy market incentives that actually will get carbon dioxide removal projects built in the real world, incredibly limited in the next three to five years or whenever Europe integrates them, if not all else will equal nothing else goes forward, Europe will become the largest carbon removal market in the world. Until that happens, there is nothing in the near term that is moving forward.
Robinson Meyer:
[23:52] Is there anything happening in China? Because often the story of these climate tech investments is that the West starts them up, gets bored, allows all this IP to die on the vine. I think this is part of the idea of Ctrl-S. And then basically all the IP goes to China and China decides this is a frontier technology that it wants to invest in. And lo and behold, five years later is the best at it in the world. Like, is that happening right now with carbon removal, or is this not a field that China has indicated much interest in so far?
Jack Andreasen Cavanaugh:
[24:20] It’s tough to find data or information on carbon removal in China, although Tencent? Yeah. They announced some prizes structurally similar to sort of the Musk XPRIZE that $100 million for carbon removal. And there have been some reports of direct or capture R&D projects that have been built. But in my view, this is structurally different from China than any of the other things that they’ve done relative to the climate technologies that they’ve developed. Because again, you produce an EV, you produce a solar panel, you produce a battery, there’s a consumer that gains something valuable to them, whether it’s power from a solar panel or a battery, right? Power your car to help with the backup power on your house or an EV that is great and has cool features and is a, you know, a computer, but that’s not the same for carbon removal. And so like even totally China or like you look other places like the Gulf that Climeworks partnered with Saudi Arabia and obviously the Gulf countries are highly invested in a number of different technologies and have at least on balance sheet the money to be able to put towards this. But again, what is the value proposition for them to invest heavily in this industry when nowhere else around the world is?
Robinson Meyer:
[25:32] I mean, I think if also if you think about Chinese energy policy flows from a triangle of concern about conventional air pollution, you know, like PM2.5, energy security and wanting to stay at the frontier of technological development is really only that last point that would drive them
Robinson Meyer:
[25:48] to invest in carbon removal. At what point will the Chinese energy policy triangle become a diamond and we’ll see China make concerted investments focused not only on kind of playing up the climate benefits of its existing supply side investments, but affirmatively making supply side investments to advance international climate agenda. At that point, maybe we’ll see it invest in carbon removal. But until then, it doesn’t really fit into the existing Chinese paradigm.
Jack Andreasen Cavanaugh:
[26:13] There are a number of CDR pathways that have really interesting co-benefits associated with them that have a clearer way to scale than something like direct air capture, unless you’re using for enhanced soil recovery, which is possible, even then still expensive. But you look at things like enhanced rock weathering and the potential to increase yields for crops, as well as decrease the need for fertilizer. You can imagine there are ocean health benefits associated with some forms of ocean CDR. And so in that way, I think that there is an opportunity, and you are currently seeing this amongst the CDR pathways, that they are finding ways, like all climate tech is at the moment, to highlight everything but the climate value associated with their technology. And this was a bit of a doomy and gloomy pod, but I think that that is a very near-term pathway that a market has a value associated with these things, and it’s not a voluntary one on carbon.
Robinson Meyer:
[27:14] Well, we’re going to have to leave it there, but you and I know that at some point you’re going to come back on Shift Key to talk about another favorite topic of ours, which is how to dress for 1.5C. And we’ll have to talk about many other developments as well. But Jack Havanaugh, thank you so much for joining us on Shift Key. It was great to have you.
Jack Andreasen Cavanaugh:
[27:32] Thanks for having me on, Rob.
Robinson Meyer:
[27:38] And that will do it for us on Shift Key today. We’ll be back soon with another episode of Shift Key. Until then, if you love this show, if you hated it, if you had lots of thoughts, you can find me on X, Bluesky, or LinkedIn at Robinson Meyer. Stick around after the credits. We have a great message from our sponsor for this week, Lunar Energy, that I’m very excited about. Until then, Shift Key is a production of Heatmap News. Our editors are Jillian Goodman and Nico Lauricella. Multimedia Editing and Audio Engineering is by Jacob Lambert and by Nick Woodbury. Our music is by Adam Kromelow. Thanks so much for listening. We’ll see you real soon.
Mike Munsell:
[28:16] Hi, my name is Mike Munsell, and I’m the Vice President of Partnerships with Heatmap. For the last two episodes, I chatted with Lunar Energy’s Sam Weavers about solar, batteries, and utility rate design. Today, we dive into virtual power plants and international markets.
Sam Wevers:
[28:30] My name is Sam Wevers, and I’m Director of Product at Lunar Energy.
Mike Munsell:
[28:35] I know we’ve been talking a lot about VPPs. It seems like every company or even a research firm has a different definition of a virtual power plant. How does Lunar define a VPP?
Sam Wevers:
[28:47] I’ve certainly come across this myself. You can get right into the weeds of defining what a VPP is. But, I mean, to me, it’s really just connecting distributed assets together with software and controlling them in smart ways so that those assets deliver value to the grid and homes get paid for that sort of service in return. A VPP turns thousands of disparate homes into something that can look like a power plant to the grid, except it’s a power plant that can be segmented and provide very locational and temporal services to the grid, or it can be grouped together at sort of the top level to provide bulk level power when measured at sort of that transmission or sort of ISO level. That’s probably my definition of a VPP.
Mike Munsell:
[29:31] Do other countries, other markets have VPPs or VPP-like structures?
Sam Wevers:
[29:36] Yeah, for sure. I mean, this is something that’s been emerging in Europe and in Australia in particular for a good 10 years or so. It’s also worth flagging that when I talk about VPPs, I’m in the main talking about VPPs for residential assets. VPPs have been providing demand response services with arc furnaces and large industrial loads for some time.
Sam Wevers:
[29:58] And we are now in a world where it’s not just big factories and manufacturing processes that can provide flexible demand to the grid, but also thousands and thousands of homes. Lots of the Nordic countries have residential assets providing grid frequency services. In the U.K., residential assets can be traded by independent aggregators in markets that are used to balance the grid after the wholesale market closes. And Australia has, you know, a really active and competitive market for residential VPP services.
Mike Munsell:
[30:29] And I know most Shift Key listeners are based in the U.S., but what can the U.S. learn from power markets of other countries?
Sam Wevers:
[30:37] One point is the same problem has been addressed in lots of different ways in different markets, whether that’s more on the rate design side or more on the VPP sort of program design side. One common trend that we talked about earlier is certainly this idea that as there is a shift away from feed-in tariffs in other markets for solar, which is akin to net metering, so really generous solar compensation, that ushered in a big deployment of batteries. There are over a million residential batteries installed in Japan, and they were installed to maximize the value of customers’ solar and also to provide outage protection. It’s a big reason why Lunar provides and has provided software services in Japan with our Gridshare platform for many years now, connecting to residential assets to optimize them daily against time of use rates.
Sam Wevers:
[31:28] I think the other key learnings probably go to exposure of price signals to customers like Octopus Agile in the U.K., all those time of use rates in Japan, and the automated load-shaping effects that these sort of rate shapes can have. The other one probably to flag is 10 years ago in the UK, it used to be that you couldn’t really play residential assets in these sort of wholesale level markets. The markets were very much designed around big minimum clip sizes and sort of performance standards that were very tailored to existing gas turbines and the like. But over time, National Grid over there in the UK and others has done a bunch of work to adjust those market rules to allow VPPs of residential assets to start to participate in new services. And they are participating in those services. They’re providing value to the grid and to customers and millions of pounds a year are getting paid out on a purely market basis. It’s not a subsidy-based thing. It’s just markets being designed to allow the value of these assets to be recognized. But I would also say that the scale of VPP programs in the USA is remarkable.
Sam Wevers:
[32:40] Last year in the DSGS program, I think the Brattle Group put out a report. There was over 500 megawatts dispatched in one dispatch last year and you know one needn’t start with the most complex market structure but the core goal should be the same right which is recognize the true sort of physical and economic value of these residential assets and by doing so costs of managing the grid can reduce customers can save money and make money and more renewables can reliably be brought online.
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One of the bill’s Democratic co-authors speaks about the bill’s outlook in Congress, what it means for clean energy and data centers, and why the president it helps most won’t take office until 2029.
The bipartisan permitting reform bill took a big step toward becoming law last night, when more than 70 senators voted to advance it past a key procedural hurdle.
About 12 hours later, I sat down at a Heatmap breakfast event in Washington, D.C. with one of its Democratic coauthors: Senator Martin Heinrich of New Mexico.
Heinrich and I have spoken about permitting and power lines repeatedly over the past year, but what were once niche issues in the space — such as when and whether a president can revoke an energy project’s permits — have turned into major disagreements within and between environmental groups, the clean energy industry, and liberal lawmakers.
At the same time, Heinrich is on the verge of a major climate policy victory with the bill, which would finally create a one-stop shop for large-scale power line approvals in the federal government. The bill would put transmission lines, which can carry zero-carbon electricity, on a more equal footing with natural gas pipelines, which already enjoy fast-track federal approval.
“My goal here is to take the politics out of permitting,” Heinrich told me at the event. “If you’ve done everything right — and you get your final permit to actually construct — you should be able to take that to the bank.”
We discussed the bill path to passage and his replies to some of critics’ biggest arguments against the bill, including whether it will push data centers to build more behind-the-meter natural gas power plants. We also discussed whether Congress should restore the wind and solar tax credits, how this bill was informed by the Biden administration’s struggles, and why Heinrich believes lawmakers should take this deal, now, even though some of his colleagues have urged waiting until the new Congress starts in January.
This conversation has been edited for readability and concision.
How are you feeling? And how are you feeling about the number last night?
Seventy-three is a great number. It suggests we’re on track to get this done. And I think we just need to be patient and let the process play out.
We were talking in the green room a little bit. I think one of the things that worries me about today’s politics is that we’re having this really substantive discussion here, and with members, with the House and Senate back and forth, which is super healthy, and that hasn’t really happened often enough in recent years. And then there’s the algorithmic, online, like, light-everyone’s-hair-on-fire [conversation]. Those two things are completely divergent streams, and they make me worry about democracy as a whole.
Not to mention the fact that we need to be able to build big things in this country, and that’s what this legislation represents. How do you actually deliver on the affordability question that was central to the election we just had? How do we make sure that our country competes in the world? All of those things. But the gap between those two conversations is something that we have to solve for in the politics of today. And there were people who should have been with us [last night] who weren’t, and I think it’s indicative of that gap.
As someone who’s been reporting on the bill, and knows the policy, and knows, for instance, where the fault lines in the policy are, it has been striking how much the social media discussion of the bill has been focused on creating sufficiently plausible lies that go just viral enough to poison the politics. And make it so you can’t even talk about the bill, because, why would you ever even consider such a horrible thing?
It’s been interesting — I’ve got a 23-year-old who’s in graduate school in New Mexico, and he has a really good sense of who I am and what I care about. For him to see protests on his campus, or protests on the overpass in Albuquerque — and how divergent that is from the goals of this legislation — those conversations have been really interesting. I think if I wasn’t so comfortable in what I actually care about, and what I want to get done in my time in Washington, D.C. — which like, this is not my identity, it’s a path to making a change. I think it would be really hard to do this if I weren’t so comfortable in what we need to do on this issue.
In the run-up to last night’s vote, there were a number of endorsements of the bill or the motion to proceed. What was the biggest whip victory for you or Senator Whitehouse?
When you hit above 70, your caucus is taking your work very seriously, and given the attempts to poison the well early on, I was just very encouraged by the fact that in our caucus — we had a caucus meeting over the weekend on this, and then we obviously had the vote last night — there’s a certain implicit trust in a number over 70.
People want to get to yes. They understand that at the end of the day, the American people really do want us to make life cheaper. Like, this election is not a mandate, it’s a job interview, right? And if we can’t deliver on it, and we can’t do the things that make people’s lives better, we’re gonna — it’s going to be very fleeting.
The outside assessments of the bill report numbers anywhere from power grid cost savings in the hundreds of billions to single-digit percentage reductions of power bills in a decade or so. Do you feel like those estimates capture the benefits of the bill, or are the benefits largely unquantifiable?
No, I think they’re quantifiable. I think the emissions reductions are quantifiable.
I think if all we did in this bill was the data center provision, that says you can’t keep exporting your costs onto customers, you actually have to pay your own freight — and that’s not something that the data center developers are all aghast at, I blame some of the utilities for passing those costs along to customers. That’s outrageous. Just because you can ratebase things doesn’t mean you should ratebase things, and the public is fucking pissed off, and they should be — but if all we did is transfer that $35 billion from data center developers into the pockets of consumers, I would be enthusiastic about this bill.
But we do a whole lot more than that, right? There’s almost no conversation right now about the value of virtual power plants and distributed energy resources, and all the changes in leasing for geothermal. There are things that I’ve been working on my entire career that we couldn’t get — well, we still, I guess, haven’t gotten — the public to focus on. But if we can get them done, it really opens up a future for the power grid that looks so different from the power grid I grew up with. I grew up around the kitchen table with an IBEW dad, and we would talk about the power grid all the time. And it was a one-way deal. You had a dam or a coal-fired power plant, and then [electricity] would go out across the big wires, and then it would get into the little wires, and then people in homes and businesses would consume that power. We’re now talking about a two-way power grid that is so much more complicated and efficient than that, and that’s what’s getting lost in this conversation. But it’s also what I’m really excited about.
Let’s talk about the criticism of the bill. You mentioned the data center ratepayer protection policies, which we’ve covered at Heatmap. They are quite substantive. I have begun to hear a concern that they are so substantive that they’ll push data centers even further away from using the grid — that they’ll push data center developers to be like, Oh, this is raising the cost of power, I’m going to build more offsite gas than I would.
I don’t know a single hyperscaler who’s saying that, and we’ve had all these conversations about off-grid behind-the-meter generation. It is so much more expensive. It is so much more difficult to operate and maintain. It’s insane to build a data center that is not connected to the grid. Like, these people now talking about repurposing airplane engines to run data centers — that’s nuts. If you want to put the cost of maintaining that kind of operation, go for it, because it’s going to fail.
It makes sense to have stuff connected to the grid because you don’t have to pay the full freight of the worst day of the entire year, and spread that over the rest of the year. That’s why we have a grid. I just don’t see that as a viable business plan for anyone.
This bill makes it easier to build federal infrastructure projects. I’ve seen people say, ‘Look, if we do this now, then the president gets two years to build whatever he wants, and that includes ICE detention centers.’
No. We have walked through the legal cases in places like New Jersey to make sure that we’re not facilitating that.
I don’t think this bill will measurably change what this president can accomplish because it’s going to take multiple years … Like right now, it takes two decades to build a really important interregional transmission line. It’s still going to take five years after this bill. This is not some magic wand. It’s way better. It makes us much more competitive against China and our near-peer competitors around the globe. But you’re still going to take multiple years to do an [Environmental Impact Statement]. So this is not going to impact this president measurably one way or the other.
But it is going to measurably impact the next president. And I can tell you, as someone who was around for the Biden administration, we passed incredible legislation. The Bipartisan Infrastructure Law and the [Inflation Reduction Act] were huge lifts in terms of legislation. But the president of the United States could not deliver on those promises because the permitting regime was a 10-year-plus regime. So even though he had all the funding you could imagine, and you had [the Department of Energy] and the Department of Interior all lined up, President Biden could not deliver on those promises in a time frame that the American people could appreciate.
Is that because of procedure or because of staffing? Because some people have responded to this bill by saying, ‘Well, we know we have to staff up these agencies, and this bill doesn’t do that.’ If Biden had been able to staff those agencies, would they have been able to move a lot faster?
They would have been able to move measurably faster, yeah, but it would not be sufficient. I’m all for restaffing those agencies. We authorize a lot more funding for things like Tribal and state historic preservation officers in this legislation, but it wouldn’t have been sufficient. It just wouldn’t have.
And you look at — I mean, the fact on SunZia, which, you’re as educated on that transmission line as anybody I’ve met in the press. It took, what, 17 years [to permit]? That’s one of the best projects that I’ve ever interacted with. It was 3.6 gigawatts of clean power. They did a great job of doing mitigation. They bought property that had enormous environmental value in my state. They engaged with stakeholders as well as any developer I’ve ever seen, like 17 to 18 years [to permit it]? That’s nuts. We can’t iterate on that kind of a timescale. I mean, John Podesta came back into the White House under the Biden administration and was like, ‘Didn’t we do this? I thought we already did this.’ It took two records of decision. That’s just not a recipe for success.
You mentioned [Biden’s former climate adviser] John Podesta. We reported on comments he made saying this bill would not allow a president to reverse a permit that had been granted illegally.
No, that’s not true. If you don’t follow the law, the permit can be overturned. So first and foremost, you have to have fidelity to the actual underlying statute. So if you violate the Mineral Leasing Act, or you violate some other statute that determines how you get that permit, you’re done. That’s real jeopardy.
Second, you can overturn anything up to the final permit. So if there’s a lease along the way, the next administration can overturn that.
But if you’ve done everything right — and you get your final permit to actually construct — you should be able to take that to the bank. In what world can you do everything right and then you get a legal right to proceed, and anybody, for politics, can pull that out? I know that some in the environmental space think that it should be that way, and we should be able to ping-pong back and forth between Trump and Biden. My goal here is to take the politics out of permitting. So if you do everything right — by the book and by the law — at the end of the day, if you get your permit, you can actually take that to the bank.
One of the big arguments for this bill was this permitting certainty provision. Ending the back-and-forth, and making it so a future president couldn’t do what Trump has done to wind energy. It’s been interesting watching the politics of this bill develop, though, because what’s become clear is — as you just hinted — not everyone actually wants permitting certainty.
No, and it cuts both ways. That is both a positive, depending on your perspective … and if your business model is litigating projects, it’s going to be harder. You can still litigate, but you can’t wait six years to do it.
I have heard folks say, ‘Look, it’s a big bill. It’s 400-something pages. It makes changes to NEPA and the National Historic Preservation Act. It makes changes to the Clean Water Act. The Supreme Court is controlled by conservatives at the moment, and they have been willing to improvise with big new doctrines such as the major questions doctrine. How can we be sure — and how can you be sure — that you’re not writing traps into these laws that courts will come along and use in the future?’ Republican judges may not agree with your aims, but they’ll be able to say, ‘Look at this recent and specific law, it lets presidents do X.’
We need to be able to legislate. I think the more we actually assert our political potential and mandate in legislation, the more we take power from the Supreme Court and from the judiciary in general. I think we need to be very careful and specific about our language. But the more you can’t get things done in Congress, the more power just sort of shifts over to the judiciary and to the administration. We need to claw that back, and we need to show that America can do stuff, that we can build big things again.
And to the extent that we’re not willing to do that, that power is going to shift to other places, and I’m not comfortable with that. I don’t think that’s good for democracy. I don’t think it’s good for our country. I don’t think it’s good for building things. We need to get [a project] to yes, or if it’s going to fail, if it’s a bad project, fail fast. Move on and to the right. This is not about greenlighting bad projects. It’s honestly about getting the projects into the right places.
What’s something you’re excited about in the bill that you feel like hasn’t been discovered yet?
Virtual power plants. I mean, I hate the term “virtual power plants” because they’re not virtual; they’re real. If you’ve got a gigawatt that you can you can contract with someone to say, ‘Hey, when I need this power, it’s there,’ and they can produce on that based on whether they like turn off half the lights in in a Walmart, or tap into the batteries in a bunch of electric vehicles, that is real power, and it has enormous value to the grid.
I know how conservative utility culture is, because I grew up in utility culture. I saw it every day in those conversations with my dad around the dinner table — but that is real demonstrable technology that we all know works at this point, and yet most of the utilities in the country have not embraced it. So if we get this done, we’ll be able to respond to the wholesale markets and [they] can’t be blocked, that’s a huge change.
One of the interesting things about this midterm is that almost all the incoming Democrats, I think certainly in the Senate, have pledged to restore the solar and wind tax credits. Have you done any work on what this bill would mean if those tax credits were back on the books?
I think we need to have a really robust discussion around that. I say that from the point of view that, we don’t have the [tax credits] right now, and yet we have tons of viable projects in wind and solar. So what that says to me is, maybe that money is more valuable someplace else.
We’re doing a really good job in this country of decarbonizing the electric generation sector with wind, solar, and batteries. I think we’ve won that battle, and if we have a level playing field, which is what this bill is all about, we’re going to decarbonize the power sector. We have not decarbonized the transportation sector. We have not decarbonized the industrial sector, which is dependent on, in many cases, chemical processes.
The question for me is not, do I want the wind sector, or the solar sector to move faster? I think if we get out of the way, they’ll move faster. The question is, would those dollars be more valuable in another sector of the economy?
Because when I look around back home, we are in the new normal. We’re in the part of climate change that I didn’t think would happen in my lifetime. In New Mexico, we’ve been the driest we’ve ever been in 1,200 years. And then once El Niño kicks in, we’ve had two of the word floods in recorded history in the last month. That’s where we are today. That’s what our grandkids are going to know for their entire lives. We’ve got to solve for that, and limit the worst cases of that, and we’re not going to do it by doing the least effective, least efficient thing. We have to invest in the places that make the biggest differences.
Senator Merkley voted no yesterday, as you know, and in his statement he said that the bill is very interesting, we should pick it up next year in the new Congress.
How many times has that worked?
I think one argument has been —
I’ve seen that over and over again. I’ve been here since 2008. How many years is that? Almost 20 years. When is that a real thing?
We should do a lot more in the next Congress. Let’s do that. Let’s get this as the floor, and then let’s raise the floor everywhere we possibly can.
And you don’t think passing this now will exhaust the president’s willingness to work on permitting reform?
I will take a win with the president wherever I can get one because it is fleeting, and he is what he is. He did not help last night. My phone blew up. The White House was like, you know, ‘Sorry, he just says stuff.’
[laughter in the room]
We have an alignment right now — the House, the Senate, and the White House — that has real value to making energy cheaper and putting more clean energy online. We should just take that because it also creates uncertainty for other folks. When we have that opportunity, don’t kick it to the curb. It is what it is.
Do you think the president needs to approve these projects for the bill to make sense?
No, because I think the greatest value is for the next president. But we are seeing real progress on real projects right now. We have seen dozens of projects approved that were stalled out. We’re having constructive conversations about many additional projects. That has its own value, but the value of this bill, in my view, is for the next president of the United States — whoever they are — and I will do everything in my power to make sure that that’s a Democrat — but if it’s not, they still need to be able to govern and compete with the rest of the world, and so the value is really for the country and the next president.
Give us a sense of what the amendment process will look like.
I don’t know what the amendment process is going to look like because that typically gets negotiated between the majority and the minority leaders. My view is that amendments are helpful. I think we’ve gotten away from amendment processes in the Senate, and that has not served legislation well. So I’m perfectly comfortable. I’ve told a number of members who want amendments that I’m supportive of them getting those amendments, because I think it lets people make their case about what they care about, and that creates buy-in for eventual legislation. And whether we win over those members or not, I think it has value.
The downside is we let things hang out there at a time when much of the conversation is still governed by these social media algorithms. But I still think it’s the right thing to do.
What does the path in the House look like, as you’re thinking about it today?
In the House, it’s the coalition of, one, the White House actually wants this, and they’re communicating with Republicans in the House, many of which won’t be there next year. So, like, go out on a win. Then on the Democratic side, you have the New Dems and the Problem Solvers Caucus and the Blue Dogs, and like, We’re not going to get all of the Democrats, but we’re going to get enough of the Democrats who believe in governing and who want the lessons of this election cycle to actually be manifest in law. I think we very much have a viable path in the House of Representatives.
That almost certainly means another rate hike in December.
Just about everything is getting more expensive — and it’s doing so faster than expected.
Overall prices rose 0.4% in October from September, according to the Bureau of Labor Statistics, compared to the 0.3% analysts were expecting. Helping lead the way was energy, which got 0.7% more expensive overall in October, thanks largely to gasoline (a 1% hike), electricity (a 0.9% hike), and fuel oil (2%).
Because of the government shutdown, the BLS did not have full year-over-year price change data other than for gasoline, which was 37% more expensive now in October of this year compared to last year. Meanwhile, in Maine specifically, heating oil prices rose a shocking 80% from last October to this one.
Electricity prices went up from 18.5 cents per kilowatt-hour in October of last year to 19.9 cents this year, according to preliminary data from Heatmap and MIT’s Electricity Price Hub. That’s a jump of over 7.5%, though one largely due to a change in the timing of a bill credit in California. Stripping out that change, the year over year price hike was around 3.8%.
Economy-wide prices are up just over 4% compared to this time last year, according to estimates from Bloomberg. The October price jump surpassed expectations even after stripping out changes to the price of food and energy, leading investors to conclude that the Federal Reserve will likely raise interest rates in December. That would follow a hike in September — the first since 2023 — and a decision in October to leave rates unchanged.
While newly installed Fed Chair Kevin Warsh has been averse to previewing his own expectations for future rate hikes, other members of the Federal Open Market Committee have been less reticent.
Speaking before the release of the inflation numbers Tuesday, Chris Waller, a member of the Federal Reserve board of governors, said that if core inflation had risen more than 0.2% from September to October, he was open to a half-point increase instead of the quarter-point many analysts expected.
Lorie Logan, the president of the Federal Reserve Bank of Dallas and a member of the Fed’s rate-setting committee, said in a speech Tuesday that interest rates were “adding to inflationary pressures,” and that rate hikes would likely be necessary.
The yield on the 10-year Treasury bond, a common benchmark for borrowing costs throughout the economy, rose to right around 5% Tuesday.
“We remain confident that they will raise rates again” by at least a quarter point, “and unless there is significant progress in negotiations with Iran and a consequential decline in energy prices, they will position themselves to raise rates again as soon as the next meeting or in March 2027,” Jefferies analyst Thomas Simons wrote in a note to clients Tuesday.
The economic and monetary policy situation has put the renewables energy industry into something of a pickle. High electricity prices are generally a boon to anyone selling power, including wind and solar developers, while higher interest rates are a burden to anyone who has to finish a big construction project funded with borrowed money before generating any revenue, like wind and solar developers.
Higher inflation also affects developers as input costs rise for projects that can take months or years to complete. And when interest rates rise, the value of future payments from electricity sales falls.
That’s what happened to the Danish wind developer Orsted, who reported a $500 million impairment on its U.S. wind operations “as a result of the 75 basis points increase of the long-dated U.S. interest rates during the third quarter,” its chief financial officer Trond Westlie said on the company’s November 5 earnings call.
The residential solar company Sunrun, which also reported earnings last week, illustrated the peril and opportunities of higher rates and higher prices.
“To the extent interest rates are sustained at current levels, our capital costs would increase from levels realized throughout 2026,” Danny Abajian, chief financial officer of Sunrun, said on the company’s earnings call. “We expect to increase prices further in 2027 as utility rates continue to rise.”
Members wanted to seize the moment at a post-midterms Heatmap event in Washington, D.C.
Key House Democrats batted back against waiting until the next Congress to do a major permitting reform bill.
Speaking at a Heatmap event in downtown D.C. on Tuesday morning, multiple House Democrats — Representatives Nikki Budzinski of Illinois and George Whitesides and Scott Peters, both of California — all threw cold water on the idea that Democrats should wait until next year, when they will have full control over both houses of Congress, to advance a permitting bill like the Bipartisan American Affordability and Jobs Act, a.k.a. BAAJA.
“I disagree with that,” Budzinski, who is also vice-chair for policy for the New Democratic Coalition, a large bloc of Democrats, told me. Under the incoming Democratic majority, she said, it may be more challenging to convince Republicans to jump the fence to get to the 60 votes needed in the Senate.
“On these big issues, the question is, do we want to legislate for legislation to become law? Or legislate to talk about issues?” she asked. “I’m done after the last two years of doing messaging bills on the floor. I think this is a very unique opportunity.”
This push for a pause has come most forcefully from the likely incoming chair of the House Natural Resources Committee, Jared Huffman, who outlined his reasoning in an exclusive interview with me in October. Likely incoming Senate Environment and Public Works Chair Jeff Merkley echoed Huffman’s view ahead of the Senate vote to proceed on the permitting bill Monday night, saying this should be taken up by the next Congress, instead. The Senate motion succeeded on a vote of 73 to 25.
Both I and Heatmap founding editor Robinson Meyer asked lawmakers at the Heatmap event what they thought of Huffman and Merkley’s argument. All of them were quite bearish on the idea of a future deal between a Democratic Congress and Trump White House.
Peters went the furthest, summing up his view on the argument with two words: “That’s hokum.”
“That’s just not true,” he told me. “There’s no reason to expect that Jeff Merkley and Jared Huffman are going to do a better deal. I think the more likely thing is that they’re just not going to do a deal.” Instead, he advocated for using “the leverage we’ve just got” to advance the deal already on the table.
“Trump is a two-year problem,” he added. “We’re trying to solve a 30-year problem.”
Whitesides called Huffman, a fellow Californian, “a good friend and a very smart guy.” Of Huffman’s position on permitting, however, “I’m not totally sure that’s true,” he said
“The concern that people have is primarily around, can we trust this administration with anything, and how much of [the] decisions do you make [about] the next two years versus the next 20 years?” Whitesides told Rob. “And I think Senators [Sheldon] Whitehouse and [Martin] Heinrich are people that I trust on a fundamental level on issues of climate, of environment, of smart permitting reform.”
Heinrich, who spoke with Rob at Tuesday’s event, also attacked the notion of waiting, saying that he’s seen this suggestion fail “over and over again.” “When is that a real thing? Give me a break. We should do a lot more in the next Congress. Let’s get this as the floor and then let’s raise the floor everywhere we possibly can,” he said.
Heinrich noted a bizarre event the previous night, just as the Senate was preparing to vote on the motion to proceed. After previously endorsing BAAJA and reportedly striking a deal to advance wind farms in exchange for permitting reform legislation, Trump suddenly told reporters at a White House press briefing that the bill wasn’t finished being negotiated.
“I will not approve wind turbines because wind turbines are a major loser,” Trump said.
To Heinrich, this served to underscore why he will “take a win” with Trump “wherever I can get one, because it is fleeting and he is what he is.”
“My phone blew up” in the aftermath of Trump’s comments, Heinrich added. “The White House was like, sorry, he just says stuff. We all know that, right?”
Ray Long, CEO of renewable energy advocacy nonprofit ACORE, said onstage at the Heatmap event that Trump’s comments were actually “a nothingburger on our end.” He argued that while the wind approval blockade is a “real issue,” the legislation “will help to address this” by giving wind developers new statutory language to their benefit in court. (ACORE was a sponsor of the event.)
“That real check and balance on the system through the courts is working and this bill will only help to underpin unfortunately the future litigation that may have to come out as a result of this,” Long said.