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Robinson Meyer:
Good morning. It’s Thursday, June 11, and there are important state-level races coming up later this year in Georgia. I’m not talking about the governor’s race, nor am I talking about the Senate election, although both could shape the 2028 presidential field significantly. I’m talking, of course, about the Georgia Public Service Commission, which regulates the state’s utilities. Last year, you might recall if you’re a nerd, Democrats pulled off their biggest state-level win in 20 years in Georgia when voters elected Peter Hubbard and Alicia Johnson to Georgia’s Public Service Commission. It was the first time Democrats had won a state-level office in Georgia since 2006, and they did so by a massive margin with 63% of the vote, though it was an off-year race. That gave the Georgia Public Service Commission a 3-2 Republican split, but that could change this year. The commission’s crucial fifth seat is up for grabs in another election, and Peter Hubbard last year only won a one-year term. He has to win re-election this year. If he does. And if Democrats take that fifth seat, though, they could lead the Georgia Public Service Commission for the first time in decades. So on today’s show, I’m excited to welcome who else? Peter Hubbard. He is, as you know, a current member of the Georgia PSC. He’s a one-time renewables developer, and he’s the founder of the nonprofit Georgia Center for Energy Solutions. Now, I should say, I realize most shift key listeners don’t live in Georgia, although hello to those of you who do. But I think this is an interesting conversation just for anyone in the United States or for anyone who cares about the American energy system.
Robinson Meyer:
You know, every state has a public service commission. And although only 10 are directly elected by the voters, like in Georgia, these are crucial roles shaping how the energy system works in the United States. And with Peter, we had a really interesting conversation. We talked about what public service commissioners actually do, what their lives are like, and how they’re grappling with the challenges of load growth, the clean electricity build out, and the data center boom. So today, it’s Peter Hubbard, current utility regulator and utility regulator candidate in the great state of Georgia. I’m Robinson Meyer, the founding executive editor of Heatmap News, and it’s all coming up on Shift Key. Peter Hubbard, welcome to Shift Key.
Peter Hubbard:
Happy to be here, Rob.
Robinson Meyer:
So you have played a number of different roles in the energy system. I think you’ve been an advocate. You were an intervener in public service commission proceedings. You were a developer. You led an advocacy organization. And then, of course, crucially, you won this big statewide election last year as one of the first Democrats to win a statewide election in Georgia in quite some time. Can you just start by maybe giving us the story of how you got here? What did you do along the way to becoming a Georgia Public Service Commissioner?
Peter Hubbard:
Well, you could trace it all the way back to graduate school. I went to Johns Hopkins, took a class on oil and gas markets, and something clicked in me that said, this is what I would like to do. I’d really like to study energy. If I want to understand how to transition to clean energy, I … then I need to understand the system we have. So I jumped into a consulting firm, Siemens Energy Business Advisory, and worked there for close to a decade. Perfect experience in terms of just really getting into the weeds. I did a lot of capacity expansion production cost modeling. I ran a natural gas model and really got to understand electricity and gas markets from the ground up. And then with the three years of developing, what I did was try to capitalize on the IRA and follow Jigar Shah’s message of deploy, deploy, deploy, and get out and really understand how to make a project successful or understand why it fails in terms of solar and battery storage development, going through interconnection, going through, frankly, negotiating with landowners and trying to tell them about the benefits of solar and battery storage.
Robinson Meyer:
And where were most of your projects during that period? Were they in Georgia or were they all around and maybe more open markets?
Peter Hubbard:
I really focused on three markets, It’s the Mid-Continent ISO, the Southwestern Power Pool, and then ERCOT, so right in the center part of the country. You know, that experience was just hands-on and really taught me all of the nuances of, you know, the commercial side, the technical side, the political side of bringing projects successfully there. And then I tied it all together by having moved to Georgia a decade ago and looking at how we did integrated resource planning in the state. It just made me want to jump into the ring and try and provide comments through the expert witness path. So I really believe in building up that evidentiary record with good, solid analysis. And there’s just overwhelming amounts of analysis that suggest going in the direction of clean energy is the right direction. Not the least of which is that 90% plus of what’s going to be built this year in the United States and worldwide is solar, wind, and batteries. So it just makes sense from a lot of different perspectives, and I’m interested in trying to unlock how to move forward with more clean energy.
Robinson Meyer:
And now that you’re a public service commissioner, what is your day-to-day like? Because, of course, like we all think about public service commissioners all the time. It’s a very important part of how utilities are regulated. But what is the actual day of a commissioner like?
Peter Hubbard:
Well, my circumstance is unique. I only earned a one-year term, so I’m wearing two hats this year. I’m both a commissioner and a candidate. And each one of those is a full-time job, as well as being a full-time dad as well to two children. But the day-to-day, frankly, if you wanted to do the least amount of work possible. You could just show up every other Thursday to committee meetings and vote up or down and show up every other Tuesday to admin meetings and vote up or down. You really don’t have to engage all that much. But if you’re like me and really read everything that comes across your desk and want to get to the bottom of things, then it’s truly a full-time job. So a lot of it is meeting with stakeholders. A lot of it is understanding the dockets and really reading through the testimony that comes in, interacting with staff. There’s a lot that can be done and really just trying to understand you know what has come before me at the commission what’s coming up for example the 2028 integrated resource plan in Georgia and the rate case that follows and preparing for things like that so, you know i really try and keep myself busy wearing both of those hats this year.
Robinson Meyer:
What surprised you most about being commissioner so far
Peter Hubbard:
Well, probably what surprises me most is how dependent commissioners tend to be on staff to do the hard analysis and then present solutions. I’m the kind of person that can arrive at my own conclusions and come up with my own suggestions of where I think we should go. But really, commissioners tend to not be experts in their field. I’m a rare bird in that I’ve done this work, specifically working on integrated resource planning with other utilities. But we’re really dependent on staff. So that’s been surprising, as well as I would say just how entrenched interests are. This is a state that’s been under one party control for a long time. And while that’s changing, there’s just a certain way of doing business. And I hear frequently, this is the way we’ve always done things. And to me, that’s surprising as well, and not really an acceptable answer.
Robinson Meyer:
What’s an example?
Peter Hubbard:
Well, one is that the power company expects to collect full revenue requirements on really everything that they do, even on an individual basis. For example, storm cost recovery. So we had a docket a few weeks ago that concluded, about the $912 million request to cover storm damage costs. And I put forward a motion to try and reduce that request and not have full revenue requirements, including profit on top of storm cost recovery. But that motion failed because the suggestion was, well, we’ve always had full revenue requirements on money that we spend, including on storm cost recovery. But those costs are increasing with more frequent and powerful storms, and that was something I questioned, and I think deserves more scrutiny going forward.
Robinson Meyer:
In other words, basically, because there’s now going to be more storms, it’s kind of more opportunities to do storm cost recovery and therefore more opportunities for utility profit. Is that the link?
Peter Hubbard:
Yes, that’s right. That’s a vicious cycle going on, in my opinion.
Robinson Meyer:
So I want to talk about a few things here. Georgia is facing a number of different challenges, some unique to Georgia’s situation, some that I think a lot of different states are facing, some of which you campaigned on last year and are campaigning on now. So let’s talk about data centers. Last year, at the very end of the year, the Georgia Public Service Commission approved Georgia Power to buy almost 10 gigawatts of new capacity, basically about 3.6 gigawatts, of which is from entirely new natural gas generation, entirely to serve new data center demand. And so there’s a huge amount of new data center demand coming online in Georgia. How should the state handle this huge amount of data center demand coming online? And maybe like, what did you think was going to happen when you joined? What did you campaign on versus what has getting in the weeds actually kind of taught you about this bolus of demand coming online?
Peter Hubbard:
Yes, data centers are just the issue of the day, and they’re not going away anytime soon. And people are very concerned about it, really from all stripes of life. So you ask, what should the state be doing about it? And I advocate for a whole-of-government approach, because while the Public Service Commission really only has oversight over the power side of things, where that power comes from and how much data centers are paying on their tariff, there’s much larger issues in terms of water use, in terms of the tax incentives. The estimate is $3.5 billion in tax abatements this year in Georgia, uncollected revenue that data centers otherwise would be willing to pay.
Peter Hubbard:
And land use issues, and so on and so forth. So in my opinion, we really need a whole-of-government approach. And I would say, though, that data centers are also an opportunity in a sense. I’m someone who is pragmatic, and I also see that these are deep-pocketed in folks who can bring investment to the grid. And if we target those investments to generational improvements, things like transmission and building the right power sources, then I see that having a really beneficial effect short-term, long-term in Georgia. And so I’ve been interested very much in things like data center load flexibility and how can we bring some of these folks online and bring their revenues into the state more quickly and do it in a way to where we’re not necessarily building brand new gold-plated infrastructure but using more of the grid that we’ve already invested in and that’s that’s a critical piece that I would like to advance on and have, made strides in that way but you know we really need to bring the utility on board as well as the rest of the government.
Robinson Meyer:
When you talk about making data centers kind of pay their fair share or be fair participants in the power system, what does that mean to you?
Peter Hubbard:
Yeah, super complicated question, and I don’t have the full answer yet, but ...
Robinson Meyer:
It’s funny because it’s objectively, I think, what everyone wants, but it’s actually so complicated because to some degree, the grid is this machine that we all share and all use together, and that disentangling what it could mean is actually quite a technical and difficult thing.
Peter Hubbard:
It’s incredibly technical. You know, there’s a notice of proposed rulemaking that FERC, the Federal Energy Regulatory Commission, is, I believe, going to be issuing some guidance on what they see is that question of what should a data center pay on their tariff to make sure it’s their fair share. I’ll be monitoring that. I look, I’m a member of the National Association of Regulatory Commissioners, and all 50 states have commissions that are grappling with this question. So I’m looking at other states’ tariffs and what they’re doing well and not. But specifically, some things came out in the wash in Georgia in the fuel cost recovery docket that concluded last month in May of 2026. Specifically, things like data centers are really 100% on a real-time pricing tariff, and that real-time pricing tariff does not include firm transportation costs for pipelines. So, if we’re building 3.6 gigawatts of new gas-fired generation, those pipeline costs are not yet accounted for by data centers. And the company rebutted that saying, well, they’re paying on the other side of the equation in terms of demand, not energy, and we’ll show you those numbers in 2028 in the rate case that we never had last year because for political reasons it was paused.
Peter Hubbard:
Pipelines, the hedging program, energy from solar power purchase agreements, and income-qualified fuel discounts. These are all things that are not accounted for yet and being paid for by data centers, including the fact that we’re now demanding more natural gas for generation. And you can literally do the modeling of the counterfactual of what if we pulled out that demand and prices would be 5% to 11% lower.
Robinson Meyer:
So in other words, Georgians are paying either for higher bulk power prices from existing natural gas fleets, or if they take natural gas at their home via pipelines for their furnace or heater or whatever, then they’re also paying higher natural gas prices, basically because data centers are now competing with them in the system for gas.
Peter Hubbard:
I would at least go so far as to say that they’re competing in terms of a lot of our electricity comes from gas fire generation. And so they’re going to pay a higher price for that electricity.
Robinson Meyer:
You mentioned this pipeline issue that isn’t fully accounted in the rate case. Can you give a little more explanation of how that works exactly? Yeah.
Peter Hubbard:
Right. So for a combined cycle unit that’s going to be operating at, say, 60 or 70% capacity factor, you need to have firm transportation, so reserved pipeline capacity. And that’s expensive to put steel in the ground.
Robinson Meyer:
This is basically a guarantee that there’ll always be gas available at that turbine to run. Guaranteeing that there’ll always be gas available at the turbine to run means building new pipelines, basically.
Peter Hubbard:
Yes, although you can have operational flow orders and other reasons why that gas can’t be delivered. So then you have to build backup diesel for that or some kind of backup fuel. But those pipeline costs are actually being incurred even before those gas-fired generators can take that. So we’re going to be paying for capacity beginning in 2027 and just hope that we can find someone to market that capacity to for a few years until those gas-fired generators come online. It’s it’s worth hundreds of millions of dollars and it’s a cost that is not included in real-time pricing which is a tariff that data centers have access to, and basically provides a lower kind of cost because they’re using a large amount of energy so it’s just you know and we’ll get into the details in the next rate case in 2028, but we did not have a rate case in 2025. The last time we had one was in 2022. And there are certain studies that come out of those rate cases, like a cost allocation study and a cost of service study. And we didn’t get those last year. So who’s to say that they’re paying their fair share? We have to take the word from the utility right now.
Robinson Meyer:
So I want to talk about the big nuclear plant that was built in Georgia over the past few years. And I actually want to start with the national perspective because Vogtle Units 3 and 4 were recently completed in Georgia. They were enormously expensive to complete. And I will say, outside of Georgia, the way that these projects are discussed is...
Robinson Meyer:
As you know, thank goodness Georgia finished those two nuclear plants. Like, thank goodness they did it. Because the whole country learned a lot from watching Georgia have the experience to develop these two, what became enormously expensive nuclear plants, to the extent that the Trump administration is now trying to build 10 new nuclear plants across the country and believes it can do so in a cheaper way. It’s doing so entirely on the back of lessons learned from the Georgia process. Lessons that I should say seem entirely reasonable to me, including a lot of the delays in Georgia, came from the fact that equipment wasn’t ready or it was ready too early. And so it kind of sat around and therefore it incurred costs as it sat around or workers had to sit around while they waited for equipment to be delivered.
Robinson Meyer:
Anyway, all of this is to say here in the other 49 states, we go. So thank goodness Georgia finished these projects because it was a real gift to just our understanding of how to complete a large-scale nuclear project in the 2020s and 20-teens. And if we continue to build big new reactors, we’re going to learn a lot from that experience. I wonder, though, what your takeaway is about them or how you interpret them as a Georgia Public Service Commissioner because those projects got rate-based. And so Georgia utility customers are paying for them right now. And so I would imagine the response to them has been quite different in Georgia. And I almost wonder if you want to kind of give us what, now that you’re fully in-house at the PSC, just what your perspective is on that project.
Peter Hubbard:
Well, if you look at the context of how Vogtle Units 3 and 4 came about, they were proposed around 2008, 2009, around that time frame, or actually I believe they began construction around that time. But it was also around the time when the Georgia Consumer Utility Council, that independent body that intervenes in dockets to say, hey, this is what we, you know, we think this is in the interest of rate payers or no, this is going to be a very expensive power project. We didn’t have that independent voice. And so the commission approved moving forward with Vogtle Units 3 and 4, and it took, I believe, something like 15 years or so. And instead of $14 billion, $37 billion. And that was a tremendous risk, a known risk, especially to put on the backs of one state’s rate payers. And so that’s really where I’m coming from, especially in a sunny state like Georgia. Even if we had done nothing but solar, we would have gotten far more bang for our buck than the most expensive power plant in the country, where we also didn’t have the chance to examine those costs at the end of this construction period when they were put into rate base. There was kind of a perfunctory hearing, but no real examination of who should bear the cost of that. So I’m deeply skeptical of our ability to really get costs under control.
Peter Hubbard:
You have to get to around the fifth of a kind before you’re on that asymptote and where costs have come down enough to where they’re manageable. So maybe halfway through that build out of 10 new AP1000s, we’ll get there. But those costs can’t be borne by rate payers. It has to be federally backstopped if it’s going to happen. Yeah. And, you know, I do also want to just say that carbon-free energy is important to me when we’re in the midst of a climate crisis, in my opinion. And so I do appreciate the fact that when Vogtle Units 3 and 4 came online, it displaced a lot of coal and gas-fired generation. And that’s a good thing. I just wish the cost wasn’t so high and there are better alternatives that are cheaper to also provide carbon-free energy like solar.
Robinson Meyer:
One question I had, I think some of your Republican predecessors on the commission, one line I’ve heard from them is that there should be federal cost overrun insurance for these nuclear plants if a state undertakes a project of building them. Do you think that that’s an important policy as well?
Peter Hubbard:
It’s critical because we know that there’s going to be cost overruns. It’s guaranteed. And so if as a nation, federal government, we decide we want to pay 5x for our power, then we can do that. That’s a choice we can make. But, you know, we just can’t have rate payers bearing the risk of what happened in Georgia or even in South Carolina, where we’ve dug a $9 billion hole that’s still sitting there.
Robinson Meyer:
Yeah, the funny thing is, right, that Vogtle at least was finished. And then in South Carolina, you have this giant AP1000 project, which was not finished. And whether that counts as first of a kind or zeroth of a kind. I don’t know.
Robinson Meyer:
Now that you have this giant, all these giant costs that have to be rate-based in Georgia, I’ve heard the argument that Georgia should be going out and looking for giant customers because if you’re a giant customer, you pay regulated and you pay a regulated rate. You can absorb more of that, whether you’re a data center or maybe a new factory or just a big bulk customer, you can absorb more of those costs and in some ways kind of shield regular residential customers from that big bolus of costs. Does that seem like a good strategy to you or should we be managing those high costs that now have to be paid for in a different way?
Peter Hubbard:
Well, what we’re doing is locking ourselves into a future where we’re building resources that need to be paid off over decades. And the question in my mind is, if we lock ourselves into that future, and then these new large load customers don’t show up in the numbers advertised, or if we build these resources, they show up, but then they don’t stick around for the decades needed to pay off these investments, who’s left holding the bag? That’s a real concern of mine. That’s why I’m interested in solutions like data center load flexibility and the ability to use virtual power plants and other resources that capitalize on investments we’ve already made, yeah it’s great to have large load customers and they, are making investments in this state but there’s a risk to them as well I think your audience would be aware that there’s you know a lot of talk about over investment in the AI sector and perhaps a bubble some deflationary effects from that. So I need to be mindful of that. And I really don’t want to lock ourselves into poor decision making. There’s a path dependency to some of the decisions that have happened just before I joined this commission.
Robinson Meyer:
Georgia, I think famously, is a state where you still have regulated electricity monopolies. You have big vertically integrated electricity providers. They’re companies that manage the generation of electricity. They manage the transmission. They manage getting it to individuals’ doors. That’s very different from other parts of the country right now, and it makes your task as a public service commissioner quite different. Can you give us a sense of how does the fact that you have Georgia power, you have these big monopoly utilities within Georgia, make your role different than how it would be, say, in a Pennsylvania or a Texas or California, where you have something closer to an electricity market?
Peter Hubbard:
Great question. What I’ve noticed is that I do think that the model that we have here in the Southeast, where there are vertically integrated utilities and then regulators who are meant to make sure that costs are prudently spent, it can work when you have that watchdog regulatory commission doing its job and providing real oversight. But it tends to be asymmetric. I mentioned how dependent we are on staff. Commissioners tend to not be able to kind of go toe-to-toe with all of the analytical and legal might of these utilities. They’re very powerful. They really shower their largesse throughout the state and so that they can continue the pattern that they have of really dominating in the state. So from that perspective, it can work well, but you have to have regulators who are doing their job. I’ve also noticed that these utilities can move mountains when they want to. If they really want to move on something, they can make it happen almost by snapping their fingers. But in other circumstances, if it doesn’t align with their financial incentives, then they’re going to drag their feet. Countless pilot projects, more working group sessions, that sort of thing.
Peter Hubbard:
So it can be a tug and a pull. It’s kind of carrots and sticks. And that’s what I’m discovering is it’s a complicated mix. We also in the state are one of 10 states where we elect our commissioners instead of appoint them. Regardless, it’s going to have a political element, but it’s even more pronounced in Georgia. And it’s wild to people to see how regulation and electricity tariffs and things of that nature are now so prominent and political just in the zeitgeist.
Robinson Meyer:
Can I push back a little bit on something you said, which is that it can be done, that successful regulation of these monopoly utilities can be done? Because I want to believe that’s the case. I think what’s always striking to me when I talk to commissioners is the degree to which utilities control the information environment, right? They control the analysis you get. You can set deadlines, but they can miss them and maybe they’re punished for them. Maybe they’re not. They, of course, have enormous influence in politics. And meanwhile, you’re a team of public servants elected or appointed as the case may be, depending on the state. But you still are a bit at the mercy of the operators of this system and the operators of this system are the utility. I mean, is it actually possible to regulate these utilities in the way that the system envisions? Because I will say as a reporter on this, I’ve come over time to see the wisdom of like an ERCOT style approach, where at least, you know, a more open electricity market, or maybe a MISO approach or SPP approach, these deregulated electricity markets across the US that seem to achieve some of these cost reductions, at least in theory, by having independent power producers. Compete against each other. So you’ve been an independent power producer in those grids. I wonder, like,
Robinson Meyer:
Is there work that seemed to happen automatically via market mechanisms when you were a developer that now has to happen through oversight as a Georgia public service commissioner? Or actually sitting in the chair, do you feel more optimistic? Because at least now there’s one entity that controls the whole grid. And so if you want to build more solar, you just have to convince that one entity to build a lot more solar and it will happen.
Peter Hubbard:
Great question. And, you know, we’re in this, I guess we’re almost into the third decade of this experiment of regional transmission organizations, ERCOT being a great example of how you can connect and manage and really just kind of go gangbusters on things if the market economics align, versus PJM where they’re still trying to sort out their capacity auctions and that sort of thing. So those are your two extremes, I guess. And to your question, I think that the model we have in Georgia can work. It’s hard for it to work. There’s that asymmetric framework of information I was mentioning. I mean, it’s really difficult to go up against the analytical power of Georgia Power. And they do have, you know, they know their system well. And so they know what’s practical and they know where they can push back.
Peter Hubbard:
By contrast, as well, TVA is a place where you’ve got top-down control, and yet they’re still going into gas-fired generation. So who’s to say what the right model is? But I think that my experience in operating in those different markets and seeing what works well, I mentioned Texas, ERCOT, Connect and Manage, that’s great, but you also get just really large load customers that can provide, or that can destabilize a grid if not managed well. And you also kind of get this, I remember just reaching out to various county judges in Texas to say, what kind of permits do we need? And the judge would write back and say, nothing, go to town. There’s, you know, you can build whatever you want.
Peter Hubbard:
And I don’t know that that wide open methodology is a great way to do business either. There’s a happy medium. There’s always pros and cons to everything. What works in Georgia is that when we have a commission that’s aligned in the right direction, that’s understanding the benefits that clean energy and other resources can bring to a grid, we can compel the power company to adopt some of these measures. It needs to be done in a formalized rulemaking process. And I think that that’s where we’ll have a lot of success beginning next year is putting in place these rulemaking procedures so that we can bring the evidence. We can have interveners and advocates build that evidentiary record for why we should go in a certain direction. And I think that having top-down direction, but that’s thoughtful and deliberative and based on evidence, that can be powerful. So that’s the goal for Georgia, so long as I’m here on the commission.
Robinson Meyer:
How will Georgians have noticed your governance or your presence on the commission so far, or does it take longer than five months for folks to notice? Yeah. Kind of anything happening in the utility system?
Peter Hubbard:
It’s a commission of five commissioners. So the rule of three still governs. It’s a split commission in terms of political party. But the rule of two is still important on a commission. And what it allows us to do is put forward motions to improve deals that are there on the table and have them seconded and then have everyone vote on that to establish positions. Even if that motion fails, as it happened in these fuel cost and storm damage recovery dockets that I mentioned earlier. Even though those motions that I tried to put on the table to improve the deal failed, it’s a signal to voters, here is what we can have if we have a different commission. And it’s a way to hold folks accountable. I mentioned earlier, I tried to put forward a motion to reduce the recovery so that it wasn’t at the full revenue requirements, including profit, and that failed. And that’s something that I’ll campaign on and show the voters we could have a different commission if we just had different commissioners.
Robinson Meyer:
What kind of help do you need from the federal government? So you talked about an all-of-state effort to manage data centers, but of course, I think it’s very tricky for states to be the regulator of last resort for a lot of these utilities, because it is true that if you hack away at the utility too much, so to speak, they immediately feel it on Wall Street. And that ultimately then comes back and hits ratepayers and it’s the whole business climate of the state. And so what kind of help do you need from the federal government either to manage the kind of large loads that we’re seeing now with data centers or just generally as a state regulator of electricity companies and other public services, like what could the government be doing to make this an easier task?
Peter Hubbard:
Well, certainly the notice of proposed rulemaking on large load tariffs that FERC is working on. I think that’s crucial to have some kind of clarity from the overarching regulator, to help provide some guidance on directions. And I don’t know that they’re going to have the right answers or all of the answers when they issue their proposed rulemaking later this month. But it’s helpful to have at least someone who’s trying to provide thought leadership there. And there are other commissioners in other states who are trying to do that as well. I also just think that it can be really difficult to find the upfront capital for certain investments that we need. Anyone who does project finance knows that’s usually the hardest part, is … and one of the hardest parts, frankly, about clean energy is it’s an upfront capital investment where the benefit is realized over time with no fuel costs, no pipeline costs. So to the extent that the federal government can help to subsidize that, which they were doing with the investment and production tax credits, that can be very helpful. And we need more of that. We need to subsidize the good, disincentivize what isn’t so good. And that’s where the federal government steps in.
Robinson Meyer:
You’ve talked a few times now about getting data centers to be flexible to manage their reliance on the grid or maybe rolling out virtual power plants more. Have you seen the numbers that substantiate that the gigawatts are actually there? Because if Georgia added 9 gigawatts of capacity to deal with data centers, that’s a lot of electricity. Is there really 9 gigawatts of transmission space or of underutilized capacity in the grid that’s just sitting around and is waiting for these programs to use? Or is this going to be something that’s small, maybe helps on the margin, but ultimately we will need to find additional electrons somewhere?
Peter Hubbard:
Yeah, it’s not the silver bullet that will solve all our problems. And I think even the Nicholas Institute over at Duke University a couple years ago, or not that long ago, did a study on CERC Southeast, where Georgia Power is. And you might be able to squeeze an additional 6 gigawatts out of this balancing area in terms of that data center load flexibility. But we’re going to need to build new generation as well to meet load growth, as well as to retire some older assets that are uneconomic to dispatch. So we are still going to have to build. We need to be building smart resources, resources that aren’t going to paint us into a corner. But no, it’s not the whole enchilada data center load flexibility, but it’s a critical piece because it’s a very low-cost way and a very rapid way to bring revenues to the state from these data centers without necessarily, again, building brand new resources.
Robinson Meyer:
What does the future of the southeast energy landscape and electricity landscape look like to you? What direction should Georgia be moving and what direction should Georgia’s neighbors be moving to make sure you’re building in a direction that supports growth and hopefully decarbonization?
Peter Hubbard:
Man, there’s so many things there. I mean, the future is bright. We’re a very sunny state. There’s a lot of untapped solar resources. I’m a big fan of how batteries, battery energy storage systems are like the Swiss army knife of the electric grid, and they can do a lot for us to make more of the investments we’ve already made. I really think we need to continue to look at options to move towards an RTO in the Southeast. I know South Carolina, their legislature studied this. There’s lots of money left on the table by everyone building to their own peak plus reserve margin. So to the extent that we can really start to share resources geographically, let’s take the lessons learned from these last two or three decades of RTOs and take the best of what works and move forward with that. Yeah, there’s more work to be done than just at the public service commissions in the Southeast. We also need governors and legislatures to get on board with some changes as well. But there’s a lot of capacity to tap into and investments that could be made. I’ll just say as well, in Georgia, we have the largest solar manufacturing facility in the Western Hemisphere. We’re also manufacturing EVs and batteries, and we’ve got great workforce developments. So we should put the people and the manufacturers to work and the state building the clean energy future. So I’m pretty bullish on Georgia and the Southeast,
Peter Hubbard:
but we got to kind of get out of our own way and some of the institutional inertia that we have.
Robinson Meyer:
Any more detail you want to give us on what’s standing in the way of an RTO or the institutional inertia?
Peter Hubbard:
Well, the vested interests of monopoly electric utilities, I would say.
Robinson Meyer:
Okay, well, we will have to leave it there. Peter Hubbard, thank you so much for joining us.
Peter Hubbard:
Yeah, it’s great to be with you, Rob.
Robinson Meyer:
And that will do it for us today. Thanks so much for listening. We’ll be back next week with a new episode of Shift Key. I should say, by the way, before you go, I don’t know if you subscribe to Heatmap Daily, which is Heatmap’s newsletter that goes out every afternoon or evening Eastern time here in the U.S. But lately, we’ve been having some fun with it. And I want to encourage you to subscribe to it. I have been writing that newsletter every day. I share an observation, a piece of analysis or a piece of reporting I’ve been thinking about. It’s like an email from me to you every day about the news, about something that’s happened, about just what’s been on my mind, which is either going to sound fun or not fun. But if you made it this far into the podcast, I think you should sign up. It’s kind of like the peer to our morning newsletter, Heatmap AM, written by Alexander Kaufman. It’s a great time to sign up for any of Heatmap’s newsletters. We’re having a lot of fun with them. We’re experimenting. We’re figuring out how they can fit into your day. And if you’ve been receiving Heatmap Daily or any of Heatmap’s newsletters and you have thoughts, you can always let us know what you think about them at editors at heatmap.news. That’s editors at heatmap.news. And you can sign up for Heatmap’s newsletters. In fact, I encourage you to sign up for Heatmap’s newsletters. You should sign up for Heatmap’s newsletters at heatmap.news. That’s heatmap.news. Shift Key is a production, in fact, of Heatmap News. Our editors are Jillian Goodman and Nico Lauricella. Multimedia editing and audio engineering is by Jacob Lambert and by Nick Woodbury. Our music is by Adam Kromelow. Thanks so much for listening. We’ll see you next week.
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Cities like New York, Philadelphia, and Toronto will see more days like this — but the effects of chronic not-so-extreme heat also build up.
The map of the Eastern United States has turned purple.
That’s the color used by the National Weather Service to distinguish the most severe category of extreme heat — a “rare and long-duration” event “with no overnight relief” — which spread like a bruise on Thursday morning from Chicago to Detroit and across the entire state of Ohio. From there, the purple splits north toward Toronto — where Portugal and Croatia will face each other tonight in a Round of 32 match — and down across the 13 original colonies, from Boston to New York City to Washington, D.C., Richmond, Charlotte, and Atlanta. An estimated 83 million Americans, or about a quarter of the population, are under the most extreme heat warning, with local temperatures cresting 100 degrees Fahrenheit; in many places, humidity will push the heat index up to 15 degrees higher.
That’s killer heat. Although the United States has a higher deployment of air conditioning than Europe, early tallies from the heat wave on the continent in late June found that some 20,000 people died from “heat-exacerbated causes” like heart attacks. In general, in New York City, an estimated 3% of deaths between May and September are due to the heat, a recent city report found — that’s about 500 deaths a year, close to the number of homicides during the city’s year of peak violence in 1990.
“Extreme heat is a chronic stressor that leads to hundreds of deaths in New York City,” Jeff Schlegelmilch, the director of the National Center for Disaster Preparedness at the Columbia Climate School, told me. “I’ve seen models showing the cumulative number of excess deaths over the next several decades could be in the tens of thousands.”
But while heat waves like the one this week bring much-needed attention to the public health crisis, it’s not actually extreme events that are driving those mortality figures. According to the city, about 80% of heat-related deaths in New York occur when temperatures are below 95 degrees Fahrenheit — that is, on hot, but not extremely hot, days. While risk increases with temperature in the way you’d expect, jumping sharply after 90 degrees Fahrenheit is crossed, there are more days in the still-dangerous 82- to 94-degree range on average each summer in New York (74, up from 52 in the 1970s) than extreme heat days like the ones occurring this week (of which there are about 11 per summer).
Schlegelmilch likened the moderate-temperature heat deaths to those during COVID, when it was the frontline workers who were paid hourly, couldn’t take days off, and who lived in more crowded homes who were the hardest hit. “We see those same patterns increasing exposure to heat,” he told me, noting that Latino and Black New Yorkers die from heat stress at rates two to three times higher, respectively, than white New Yorkers.
That said, the majority of people who die from heat-exacerbated causes do so in their homes, which “isn’t necessarily where the totality of the exposure to the heat is,” Schlegelmilch said. In fact, the number of people who die of direct heat stress in New York averages in the single digits per year, by comparison. “If you have to work outdoors, or you have to go back and forth to work and be exposed to the heat, and you go back into a home that is hot, and your body isn’t cooling off at night — this is actually something we’re very worried about tonight and tomorrow night — then the body doesn’t get that break.”
Part of the reason direct heat stress deaths are lower than those caused by chronic exposure is thanks to the agility, urgency, and attention of local governments, which issue heat warnings, promote cooling centers, and take preemptive measures during the worst heat waves — such as Toronto canceling its downtown World Cup watch party this afternoon. In New York this week, kiosks will help direct people to their nearest cooling centers, and local pools will stay open later. Meanwhile, to address more systemic heat impacts on the vulnerable, Mayor Zohran Mamdani has signed an executive order calling for the development and issuance of guidance for protecting outdoor workers and vendors during future heat events.
Because heat-related deaths often take the form of heart attacks, kidney disease, and diabetes, and therefore “don’t fit within the disaster declaration mechanisms” the same way floods or hurricanes do, “we don’t really have good policy to take care of this,” Schlegelmilch added. Particularly in cities with historically colder climates, such as Boston and New York, executive orders like Mamdani’s can be quick fixes, especially when followed by “lengthier and more thoughtful legislation and regulation.” But because the housing stock in such cities is older and, in some cases, even designed to retain heat, saving lives in the long term will require major infrastructure investments, ranging from tree planting to combat the urban heat island effect to expensive retrofitting.
“In the arc of history with disasters, we generally don’t do the things we need to do until it hurts too much,” Schlegelmilch said when I suggested that such a level of investment seems daunting, if not impossible, when spread out over the whole of New York, not to mention the Northeast. “It’s an open question how many people need to die, how many hours of productivity need to be lost, how much strain there is on infrastructure before everybody realizes this is not an abstract problem, that this is happening right now, and that it’s a hell of a lot more expensive to clean up after than to make these investments over the long run.”
An extreme heat wave might not be the primary driver of heat-related mortality in the United States, in other words, but it is certainly an opportunity to push for climate adaptation funding. “It’s not cheap at all,” Schlegelmilch agreed. “But it has to be part of the thinking, because there just isn’t another solution.”
Democrats in Congress are determined to restore them. That isn’t necessarily what the industry wants.
As many Americans celebrate the country’s 250th birthday this weekend, the clean energy industry will be mourning a death. Independence Day marks the expiration of federal tax credits for wind farms and solar arrays, subsidies that have been in effect in some form or another since 1978.
They may not be dead forever. Leading Democrats in Congress are preparing to reinstate the tax credits the next chance they get — whether or not the clean energy industry is asking for it.
“Republicans letting these clean energy credits expire is bad for families, bad for workers, and a gift to China,” Senate Minority Leader Chuck Schumer told me in an email. “Democrats will fight to bring these incentives back and keep pushing every policy that lowers energy costs, strengthens American manufacturing, and protects America’s clean energy future.”
While the tax credits were not initially created to tackle climate change, they became the backbone of American climate policy as fossil fuel companies mired federal attempts to regulate carbon pollution in court challenges.
The original credits, passed as part of the 1978 Energy Tax Act, were intended to reduce the country’s reliance on oil and natural gas during the oil crisis. They included a 30% tax credit for homeowners and a 10% tax credit for businesses on the cost of wind or solar, among other “alternative energy” technologies. Congress passed extensions of the credits numerous times in the decades that followed, making tweaks along the way: Lawmakers took away the credit for wind farms in the mid-1980s; then, in 1992, they created a new production tax credit for wind based on the amount of energy a given project generated.
Throughout the history of the tax credits, there was often a will-they-won’t-they precarity to their reauthorization. And yet in the end Congress always extended the credits on bipartisan votes. It wasn’t until the 2022 Inflation Reduction Act, which wrapped up tax credit reauthorization in a larger, highly partisan package, that even Republicans who supported the credits withdrew their votes in protest.
The IRA dramatically extended and expanded the subsidies, opening up both the investment and production tax credits to any carbon-free electricity source — not just wind and solar — and authorized them for as many years as it would take to cut emissions from the electric grid by 75%. It also offered developers increased tax relief, covering up to 70% of their costs if they used equipment from U.S. factories and built in designated low-income “energy communities.”
This combination of tweaks — the seemingly infinite timeline, the generous boost for domestic content — contributed to a boom in investment in new wind and solar projects in the U.S. and onshore manufacturing of the equipment to build them. But unbounded optimism gave way to uncertainty when Trump took office in early 2025 and pushed through the One Big Beautiful Bill Act, which cut short subsidies for wind and solar. Projects that begin construction on or after July 4 of this year are no longer eligible for the tax credits, though other carbon-free energy sources such as new nuclear reactors, geothermal plants, and energy storage systems remain eligible until 2033.
The effects of the tax credit cliff for wind and solar will not be noticeable right away. Developers have stockpiled solar modules and turbine parts and ordered custom transformers, strategies that will enable them to claim they have “begun construction” on projects before July 4, even if they haven’t broken ground yet. Wood Mackenzie analysts estimate that companies have safe harbored between 216 gigawatts and 240 gigawatts of solar capacity, and nearly 30 gigawatts of onshore and offshore wind capacity. It will take four to five years for the industry to work through this pipeline. Any slowdown during that time is more likely to be a result of Trump’s gauntlet of permitting challenges for renewables or community opposition than it is to come back to the lack of tax credits.
Post-2030, however, the picture is murkier. No one I spoke to for this story expects clean energy development to come to a halt. Solar is the fastest growing energy source in the United States, and with demand for electricity surging, that’s unlikely to change. Without the tax credits, however, solar projects may become more difficult to finance, and the energy they generate will cost more. According to market research by LevelTen Energy, a company that connects corporate clean energy buyers and sellers, developers expect average prices for power purchase agreements, or PPAs, to rise by 40% to 120%.
That’s a wide range, and these numbers are still hypothetical, as developers aren’t yet selling power from non-tax credit-eligible projects, Connor Valaik, a senior manager for energy marketplace transactions at LevelTen, told me. When I asked him whether corporate buyers will still be interested at those rates, he noted that PPA prices have already increased year over year due to tariffs and inflation, “and we still see really strong demand for PPAs.” What matters most is the price of a solar or wind PPA relative to the market price of power. If electricity demand continues to explode in the 2030s, as it is expected to, “that will push energy market prices up, which could buoy that value to buyers.”
When I started asking whether the clean energy industry itself would fight to bring the tax credits back, the responses I got were mixed. The developers I reached out to declined to comment. The American Clean Power Association sent an ambiguous quote from JC Sandberg, its chief policy officer, stating that it was “focused on delivering durable policies to support American-made clean energy.” The Solar Energy Industries Association repeated an earlier quote from its president and CEO, Tim Pawlenty, stating that “SEIA will of course consider any policy, including tax credits, that accelerates solar and storage growth.”
One staffer in the House told me there’s a split between bigger developers that don’t need the tax credits for their projects to be viable and smaller companies that do, which is making it difficult for the trade associations to take a position. Another staffer told me that while they’ve heard some in the industry argue that it would be better not to put a target on their backs by reinstating the credits, that is not the majority view.
Maya Gibbs, a senior policy advisor for clean energy deployment at the center-left D.C. think tank Third Way, said the industry has bigger fish to fry right now. “There’s better bang for our buck, so to speak, in reducing the structural and non-cost barriers that are getting in the way of projects,” she told me. That includes speeding up permitting and building more transmission. Even if Democrats win a trifecta in 2028, she said, she’d caution against trying to reinstate the credits on another party-line vote.
The biggest lesson from the IRA was that “for legislation to be durable, it needs to be bipartisan,” she said, “and I don’t anticipate enough Republican support for wind and solar tax credits to get that across the finish line.”
There is one corner of the clean energy industry that’s been vocal about its concerns: solar manufacturers. The tax credits — and specifically the bonus they offered for using domestic content — generated demand for U.S.-produced technology to an extent that reshaped the American solar manufacturing landscape. The United States now has enough solar manufacturing capacity to meet domestic demand two times over, much of which was built in the past four years.
The caveat to that statistic: Those new factories mostly assemble the final solar modules. The parts still come from elsewhere, primarily China. Manufacturers have only just started to onshore the rest of the solar supply chain, with just a small handful of factories currently operating or in development to produce cells, ingots, wafers, polysilicon, and other subcomponents. Manufacturers like Qcells, which is building some of that upstream capacity at its factories in Georgia, argue that it’s crucial to national security to diversify the supply chain away from China.
“We see domestic content as probably the most critical tool to supporting the factories that we’re investing in,” Marta Stoepker, the head of corporate communications for Qcells, told me. “Not having direct access at home to that technology opens a myriad of vulnerabilities from an energy standpoint. Until we can actually catch up, we need policies that are really, really proactive and aggressive to onshore.”
Tax credits aren’t the only option. Protective trade policies like tariffs on imported modules and anti-dumping duties have also helped. And Stoepker and Martin Pochtaruk, the CEO of solar manufacturer Heliene, both suggested that permitting reform could be another potential vehicle to support domestic manufacturing, for example by offering faster approvals to projects that use U.S.-made equipment.
The problem with that idea, Gibbs told me, is that it means adding additional administrative complexity to a policy that’s supposed to remove red tape.
Everyone I spoke to agreed that in the near term, the most important thing Congress could do to help clean energy is break down some of the non-cost barriers to development through permitting reform. Some, like Gibbs, were optimistic that a package could come together by the end of the year. She argued that both parties have learned they can’t afford to wait for the perfect deal. “Every single year of inaction on permitting reform means that less new energy gets built, and that’s higher cost for consumers,” she said.
Representative Jared Huffman, the ranking member on the House Natural Resources Committee, was less sure. He told me that as long as the Trump administration continues to shut down clean energy projects, “I don’t think Democrats can engage in a serious way with Republicans on permitting reform.”
When I reached out to Democrats in Congress, I asked them whether they still saw a need for solar and wind incentives, whether tax credits were still their favored mechanism, or if there were other ideas being tossed around. The response was nearly unanimous — they told me they were determined to restore the tax credits. “Bottom line, the tax credits worked and the U.S. saw a clean energy boom like never before,” Senator Ron Wyden of Oregon, who serves as the ranking member of the Senate Finance Committee, told me in an email. “So we need to put that framework back in place.” The only departure from that narrative came from a Hill staffer who told me there was a general lack of imagination in the Democratic caucus about where energy policy and climate policy should go next, hence the focus on the tax credits.
While nobody thinks restoration will be possible under Trump, some in Congress are already preparing for the next opening. Two Democrats in the House, Sean Casten from Illinois and Mike Levin from California, introduced the Energy Bills Relief Act in March, which would reinstate the credits, among other policies to support energy affordability. In an interview, Representative Levin told me he thinks it’s become “one of the consensus House Democratic blueprints for energy affordability.” The tax credits are “a tried and true way to incentivize people to build clean energy, for consumers to invest in clean energy,” he said.
For Huffman, who supports Levin and Casten’s bill, the tax credits aren’t necessarily about helping wind and solar compete. The point is to get off of fossil fuels faster. “If you believe the science that we are in a race against time to avoid tipping points that could make this planet unlivable,” he told me, “then I think you lean towards a more aggressive policy of speeding up this transition, and that’s where I fall.”
On Puerto Rico’s grid, West Virginia’s rare earths hub, and China’s trucking fight
Current conditions: Flooding from heavy rains in Ivory Coast and Ghana has killed at least 71 people so far • Barreling northwest of the Philippines, Tropical Depression Henry could strengthen into a storm by this evening • Philadelphia is roasting in 100 degrees Fahrenheit and bracing for thunderstorms as France and Paraguay prepare for Saturday’s World Cup knockout game.
On Wednesday afternoon, the Nuclear Regulatory Commission pitched two sweeping overhauls of the nation’s rules for building atomic power stations. The first proposal calls for replacing a radiation protection standard called As Low as Reasonably Achievable, or ALARA, with hard dose limits. “This rulemaking is raising the bar on clarity in our regulations. It is not lowering the bar on our safety standards,” Ho Nieh, the NRC chairman, told a small group of reporters on a call. “Dose limits for members of the public? They are not changing. We’re just really putting in clarifications on how to address doses below regulatory limits.” The second proposal expands the menu of options available to developers pursuing licensing through one of the NRC’s existing pathways, allowing some novel approaches to weighing the risk of certain technologies to factor into older processes.
The announcement came the same day the Department of Energy reached a milestone in its reactor pilot program. Launched last year, the program set a goal of three of its 10 participating companies building test reactors and splitting atoms for the first time by July 4. On Wednesday, the startup Deployable Energy, which is seeking to commercialize a 1-megawatt reactor, said it had reached criticality on its Unity test reactor at the Idaho National Laboratory, becoming the third developer after fellow microreactor companies Aalo Atomic and Valar Atomics to sustain a chain reaction within its reactor. “Yesterday, we accomplished a significant milestone on a timeline many thought was unachievable,” Secretary of Energy Chris Wright said in a statement. “Advanced nuclear technologies like Unity will help power the next generation of American industry, strengthen our energy security, and ensure the United States remains the world’s nuclear innovation leader.”
PJM Interconnection’s struggle to muster up enough electricity generation to meet surging demand from data centers and air conditioners is well known at this point. But the difficulty the nation’s largest power grid system has just predicting how much electricity it will need raises real concerns over whether PJM can keep the lights on. Between 4 p.m. and 5 p.m. ET today, demand for electricity in PJM Interconnection could top out at 166 gigawatts, according to the energy consultancy ICF. That’s roughly 10 gigawatts higher than PJM’s projected summertime peak of 156 gigawatts for all of this year. “Because PJM’s planning methodology relies on a rolling 30-year historical weather average, it operates under the assumption that the future will resemble the past,” ICF wrote in a memo. “This modeling creates systemic risk, underestimating the frequency and severity of future extreme weather events.” As Heatmap’s Matthew Zeitlin wrote last month, PJM territories such as New Jersey have seen average bills soar from about $91 to $140 over the past five years, while prices are up some 52%, per data from the Heatmap-MIT Electricity Price Hub.
In New York City, meanwhile, Mayor Zohran Mamdani has urged residents in the five boroughs to keep air conditioners set to 78 degrees to conserve electricity and avoid brownouts. “A stable grid means the AC stays on, and lives are saved,” he wrote in a post on X. “Let’s ease demand — and get through the heat — together.” New York’s statewide grid operator has warned for months that the zone that includes New York City and its surrounding suburbs is at risk of outages due to a gap between supply and demand that virtually matches the output of the Indian Point nuclear plant that shut down in 2021.

Of the $14.3 billion the federal government earmarked for the reconstruction of Puerto Rico’s grid, 75% of the funding remains unspent nearly a decade after Hurricane Maria laid waste to the U.S. territory’s electrical system. The Federal Emergency Management Agency alone is sitting on $8.4 billion, and just 400 of the 16,000 miles of transmission and distribution lines that were slated for tree trimming have had overgrown vegetation cleared. That’s all according to the findings of a new report from the Government Accountability Office, an independent federal watchdog within the government. One bright spot for Puerto Ricans has been the success of residential solar panels and batteries in supplying power during frequent outages. But the report notes that the Energy Department canceled up to $350 million in grants for installing solar panels on the homes of disabled and low-income Puerto Ricans. “The GAO report confirms what we’ve been saying for months: This administration’s shortcomings and the lack of coordination among all stakeholders have delayed the disbursement of funds,” Representative Pablo José Hernández Rivera, Puerto Rico’s resident commissioner, a nonvoting delegate to the U.S. Congress, said in a statement. “Puerto Rico needs less division and excuses and more teamwork with results.”
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Last year, Wyoming, the country’s top coal-producing state, announced that its first new coal mine to open in decades would also produce rare earths. Now West Virginia, where the waning coal industry nevertheless remains a central part of the culture and economy, is getting in on the rare earths game. On Wednesday, an investment company led by the Trump administration’s former critical minerals czar unveiled plans to develop a new hub for refining rare earths out of ore in Rupert, a tiny mountain town in southeastern West Virginia. The project is being developed by the White House and led by Drew Horn, who worked as an adviser to the Energy Department and the Office of the Director of National Intelligence during Trump’s first term. Described as a “partnership,” the deal includes the Houston-based rare earths refiner Flash Metals USA, the industrial giant AmForge, and the Greenbrier Smokeless Coal Company, which already operates a metallurgical coal mine in Rupert.
“The initiative is backed entirely by private investment — not state government subsidies, taxpayer funding, or state incentives,” GreenMet, the investment company leading the project, said in a statement. “Instead, private investors recognized West Virginia’s abundant natural resources, skilled workforce, and strategic advantages, committing approximately $150 million to launch this first-of-its-kind processing hub.” While the future refineries aim to extract traces of rare earths left behind in coal mine waste, the project has already secured deals to buy more ore from Greenland, Canada, and Cameroon to beef up its output.
There was once a time when hydrogen fuel cells seemed like a serious rival to lithium battery packs as the energy source to power future passenger vehicles. But over the past decade, battery-powered electric vehicles won the market as prices came down and the infrastructure for buying hydrogen fuel lagged. Still, the limits of batteries — which are already very heavy in passenger cars, and weigh multiple tons when large enough to propel trucks — to affordably power tractor-trailer trucks seemed to leave the heavy-duty vehicle market open to hydrogen. But an article in the in-house magazine of Sinopec, China’s state-owned oil company, now calls into question hydrogen’s future in trucking in the People’s Republic, which has one of the most built-out networks for using the technology anywhere in the world. “In the past, it was generally assumed that electric vehicles would replace gasoline and hydrogen vehicles would replace diesel,” the Mandarin-language article reads, according to a translation I ran through Claude. “But with advances in EV technology and the development of charging and battery-swapping infrastructure, the traditional hydrogen vehicle scenarios of ‘medium-to-heavy loads and long range’ are now also trending toward being taken over by battery-electric heavy trucks.”
Meanwhile, in the inland Henan province, a pair of deep geothermal wells were connected to create a closed-loop system. The wells, dug nearly 11,500 feet deep, reach a temperature of nearly 245 degrees Fahrenheit. Once completed, the wells will be part of seven separate systems designed by developer Wanjiang New Energy to provide district heating. The technology, Think Geo Energy noted, “unavoidably draws comparisons to the closed-loop geothermal technology designed and built by Eavor Technologies,” whose CEO Mark Fitzgerald joined Heatmap’s Shift Key podcast last year.
Build Your Dreams? More like Beat Your Deliveries. Chinese auto giant BYD delivered 557,090 fully electric vehicles in the second quarter of 2026 — trouncing the roughly 400,000 deliveries Tesla is expected to report for the same quarter, according to Electrek. We’ll find out later today when Tesla announces its latest earnings.