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Carbon capture might be EPA’s strongest tool to cut emissions from power plants. That could scramble battle lines.
Carbon capture, one of the most controversial climate solutions, could soon become a centerpiece of U.S. climate policy.
The Environmental Protection Agency is expected to finally unveil its proposal to cut emissions from power plants next week. In the lead up to the announcement, The New York Times reported that the agency is planning to set greenhouse gas emission limits for new and existing power plants based on the reductions that could be achieved by installing equipment to catch emissions from plant smokestacks before they enter the atmosphere.
The funny thing is, whether you see promise in carbon capture or deem it a boondoggle, this is probably the most aggressive approach the EPA can take for power plants. It could even speed up the transition to renewable energy. And for that reason, it’s going to put both proponents and critics of the technology in a weird position, scrambling the usual battle lines on the subject.
Due to the Supreme Court’s ruling in last year’s West Virginia vs. EPA case, the agency’s legal avenues for reducing emissions from the power sector are limited. It can’t force utilities to shut down their fossil fuel power plants and switch to renewables. Instead, it must stick to reductions that can be achieved “within the fenceline” of a power plant.
That leaves a few options. The agency could base its rule on improvements to power plant efficiency. It could look to the potential for coal plants to co-fire with gas or for gas plants to burn hydrogen. But neither would reduce emissions as much as a rule based on carbon capture, Lissa Lynch, a senior attorney at the Natural Resources Defense Council told me in an email. And the Inflation Reduction Act, which contained huge tax credits for carbon capture, makes it possible for the agency to argue that carbon capture is an economically feasible solution, as my colleague Robinson Meyer has reported.
Here’s the twist: That doesn’t mean that every plant would have to install carbon capture. States would have the authority to create their own implementation plans to comply with the standard, and a range of options for how to do it. They might choose to shut down some power plants and replace them with renewables, or operate plants less frequently. But since renewables are so cheap, shifting to solar, wind, and batteries may be the more common response than investing in carbon capture.
The research firm Rhodium Group recently modeled the potential emission reductions from carbon capture-based power plant rule, taking into account new tax credits from the Inflation Reduction Act, and found that only about 20 gigawatts’ worth of coal and gas plants would end up installing carbon capture by 2035. By comparison, some 700 gigawatts of coal and gas plants operate today.
Over the past few years, under increased pressure from investors to show what they are doing about climate change, the oil and gas industry has ramped up its advocacy for carbon capture. Many fossil fuel producers and electric utilities now have net-zero plans that rely heavily on the technology. In 2021, ExxonMobil announced plans to work with 15 other companies to develop a $100 billion carbon capture hub in Houston. DTE, a Michigan utility that owns power plants in California, may have even engineered an entire dark money campaign to convince California regulators to make carbon capture part of the state’s climate plan.
In the American Petroleum Institute’s 2021 Climate Action Framework, the lobbying group said one of its goals was to “Fast-track the Commercial Deployment of Carbon Capture, Utilization and Storage,” and wrote that it “supports federal policies to achieve the ‘at-scale phase’ of CCUS commercial deployment.” (CCUS stands for carbon capture, utilization, and storage.)
On social media, API paints carbon capture as a present-day solution. “Advancements in carbon capture technology from the brightest minds in the energy industry are slashing emissions and creating a cleaner future,” it recently tweeted.
\u201cAdvancements in carbon capture technology from the brightest minds in the energy industry are slashing emissions and creating a cleaner future.\u201d— American Petroleum Institute (@American Petroleum Institute) 1680725045
At the same time, large swaths of the environmental community have joined together to oppose the technology. In July 2021, more than 500 organizations signed on to a letter to U.S. leaders in Washington arguing that carbon capture is not a climate solution. “Simply put, technological carbon capture is a dangerous distraction,” the groups wrote. “We don’t need to fix fossil fuels, we need to ditch them.” Many, many environmental groups have published treatises on why carbon capture is unproven, too expensive, harms communities, and prolongs dependence on fossil fuels.
But as the new power plant regulations loom, proponents of carbon capture have started to temper their enthusiasm, citing some of those same concerns.
In comments submitted to the EPA in March, the American Petroleum Institute’s vice president of natural gas markets, Dustin Meyer, only mentions the technology as an afterthought, underscoring that it isn’t viable yet. After a long section highlighting the benefits of switching from coal to natural gas for power generation, he writes, “In the future ... new technologies like CCUS can offer additional opportunities to reduce emissions.” The American Petroleum Institute declined to comment for this story.
Southern Company, which owns gas and electric utilities across six states, submitted extensive comments to the EPA arguing that carbon capture was “many years away.” The company manages and operates the National Carbon Capture Center, where it conducts research on the technology. Its climate plan suggests that some 21% of its electricity generation will come from natural gas plants with carbon capture by 2050. And it’s in the process of conducting an engineering study to install the technology on one of its natural gas plants in Alabama.
But carbon capture isn’t ready for commercial deployment, Southern writes, using an example that’s often cited by critics of the technology — Petra Nova. Petra Nova is a carbon capture project at a coal-fired power plant in Texas that was mothballed in 2020 when it lost buyers for the captured carbon. While it operated, it experienced frequent outages and failed to capture the amount of carbon it was designed to. Its failure, Southern writes, illustrates that more research is needed to reduce the cost of carbon capture and improve reliability and performance, “which are critical when facilities are required to meet regulatory emission limits.”
Meanwhile, some of the loudest proponents of carbon capture in the upcoming EPA regulations have been environmental groups like the Natural Resources Defense Council, Evergreen Action, and the Clean Air Task Force. This isn’t exactly surprising. These groups, in particular, have historically been supportive of carbon capture technology.
“Industry has been touting the promise of carbon capture and storage for decades,” Lynch of the Natural Resources Defense Council told me. “It hasn’t been widely deployed on power plants because there currently aren’t any federal restrictions on the amount of carbon pollution that power plants can emit.”
Jay Duffy, litigation director at Clean Air Task Force, said the industry’s claims are unfounded. He cited studies by the Department of Energy’s National Energy Technology Laboratory which show that carbon capture is economical, when considering the new tax credits in the Inflation Reduction Act. There are already 13 vendors offering the technology for gas-fired power plants, he said.
Moving forward, some of carbon capture’s biggest critics might find that they need to support a carbon capture-based standard. The Center for Biological Diversity submitted comments to the EPA criticizing the technology, but did not suggest an alternative basis for the rule. When I asked Jason Rylander, legal director for the organization’s Climate Law Institute, whether they would support a standard based on carbon capture, he didn’t say no.
“The big problem is that the existing fossil fuel fleet is essentially uncontrolled for climate pollution in the middle of a climate crisis,” he told me. “That has to stop.”
Rylander couldn’t say where his organization would come down on the rule without seeing it, but he said that if it was based on carbon capture, there would have to be “extremely strong guardrails to ensure the safety and performance of the equipment.” But he also acknowledged that the EPA’s increasingly tough regulatory environment for power plants, along with tax incentives for clean energy in the Inflation Reduction Act, could mean that very little carbon capture would ultimately get built.
“It may very well be that the majority of plants meet these standards by other means.”
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The expanded investment tax credit rules are out.
In the waning days of the Biden administration, the Treasury Department is dotting the i’s and crossing the t’s on the tax rules that form the heart of the Inflation Reduction Act and its climate strategy. Today, Treasury has released final rules for the Section 48 Investment Tax Credit, which gives project owners (and/or their tax equity partners) 30% back on their investments in clean energy production.
The IRA-amended investment tax credit, plus its sibling production tax credit, are updates and expansion on tax policies that have been in place for decades supporting largely the solar and wind industries. To be clear, today’s announcement does not contain the final rules for the so-called “technology-neutral” clean electricity tax credits established under the IRA, which will supercede the existing investment and production tax credits beginning next year and for which all non-carbon emitting sources of energy can qualify.
But projects that begin construction this year can still qualify for and claim the legacy credits, which were expanded by the Inflation Reduction Act to include things like standalone energy storage. Projects that go into service this year would only be eligible for the legacy credits, while a project that begins construction this year and goes into service next year or later could choose between the legacy credits or the tech neutral credits, but not both.
The proposed rules, released in November of last year, set off a flurry of campaigning and lobbying by the industry, seeking adjustments to their favor. The final regulations largely hew to the earlier release, although they do include clarifications on what precise aspects of an energy system qualify for the credits. Under the final rules, for instance the “upgrading equipment” necessary for “cleaning and conditioning” biogas — i.e. removing other gases to make it a pure gas stream — can qualify for the credit.
Going into the end of the year, the major items left on the Treasury Department’s agenda were the tech neutral tax credits, rules for the advanced manufacturing tax credit, and rules for credits related to the production of clean hydrogen; advanced manufacturing tax credit rules came out in late October. While the Biden Treasury is doing its best to get rules out the door before Donald Trump’s inauguration, the fate of all clean energy tax credits is up in the air as Republicans prepare take power in Washington and start carving up the IRA, whether by “sledgehammer” or by “scalpel.”
On powering data centers, China exports, and surprising pollinators
Current conditions: Monsoon rains caused severe flooding in Thailand and Malaysia that left more than 30 people dead • In Germany, a recent wind lull known as a “Dunkelflaute” has led to a drop in wind power and a rise in gas-fired electricity production • It is chilly and cloudy in Paris, where French lawmakers will vote today on whether to topple the government.
Facebook parent Meta put out a call yesterday for nuclear energy developers who can add 1-4 gigawatts of new nuclear generation capacity by the early 2030s to power the tech giant’s data centers. “Advancing the technologies that will build the future of human connection — including the next wave of AI innovation — requires electric grids to expand and embrace new sources of reliable, clean and renewable energy,” the company said in its announcement. Interested developers are asked to basically write a pitch explaining their qualifications and why they should be considered for the job, with proposals due by February 7 of next year. Other big tech companies, including Amazon and Google, are also relying on nuclear to satisfy their growing energy needs as AI becomes more prevalent.
Somewhat relatedly, the International Energy Agency is hosting a conference on energy and AI today and tomorrow. Experts from the tech and energy industries (including Google’s chief sustainability officer Kate Brandt and Kairos’ head of power commercial team Jeffrey Olson) will discuss “how artificial intelligence could transform global energy systems, exploring the key opportunities and challenges ahead.”
China is banning exports of some critical minerals to the U.S. in retaliation for the Biden administration’s latest decision to curb China’s access to American-made memory chips. The tit-for-tat move bans exports of gallium, germanium, antimony. These materials are key components in semiconductors, and have many varied applications in clean tech. Gallium, for example, is used in solar panels, and antimony is used to make EV battery alloys. A recent report from the U.S. Geological Survey concluded that a total Chinese export ban on gallium and germanium could cut U.S. GDP by $3.4 billion.
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Speaking of China, General Motors is shaking up its operations in the country, sustaining more than $5 billion in losses. The company’s Chinese joint venture, known as SAIC-GM, has gone from being a success to a liability in recent years, losing ground to Chinese competitors that poured money into producing EVs and hybrids. Electric vehicles make up more than half of all car sales in China. “Almost all foreign automakers there, including European, Japanese, and South Korean companies, are struggling as increasingly ambitious Chinese car companies like BYD and Geely introduce new models and slash prices,” reported The New York Times, noting that BYD is likely to overtake Ford this year in global sales.
The Biden administration this week is celebrating the milestone of awarding more than $100 billion in grants as part of the Inflation Reduction Act. “Crossing the milestone of $100 billion awarded shows just how quickly we’re getting these funds out the door and into communities so they can make a real difference for the American people,” climate envoy John Podesta told Reuters. And another official said the administration will exceed its goal of obligating more than 80% of the available IRA grant money by the end of Biden’s term, explaining that this would mean the funds are protected: “They are subject to the terms of the contract, so when those contracts are signed and executed, this becomes a matter of contract law more than a matter of politics.”
The Arctic could experience its first ice-free summer day before 2030, perhaps even by 2027, according to a new study published in the journal Nature Communications. The international research team behind the study used multiple computer models and simulations to make the projection, which is “unlikely” but becoming more plausible as greenhouse gas emissions rise. Extreme weather events – like a series of exceptionally warm years – could trigger rapid melting leading to an ice-free day or days. Such an event could “have cascading effects on the rest of the climate system,” the authors wrote. “It would notably enhance the warming of the upper ocean, accelerating sea ice loss year round and therefore further accelerating climate change, and could also induce more extreme events at mid-latitudes.”
Recent research suggests rare wolves in Ethiopia feed on the sweet nectar of plants known as red hot poker flowers, becoming covered in pollen in the process. This unusual behavior would make the wolves perhaps the first known large carnivores to be plant pollinators.
Ecology journal
Rob and Jesse talk with the deputy White House official in charge of implementing the Inflation Reduction Act.
The Inflation Reduction Act, President Joe Biden’s landmark climate law, is the biggest investment in clean energy in American history. It is also in danger. In January, the Trump administration and a GOP Congress will take over the federal government — and they have made a variety of promises about how they’ll disrupt the law, ranging from full repeal to a more “surgical” reform approach.
On this week’s episode of Shift Key, Rob and Jesse talk with Kristina Costa, who has worked since 2022 to implement the IRA’s climate provisions at the White House. She joins us to discuss what went right about the Biden administration’s rush to implement the law, why state government capacity is holding back Democratic policy goals, and why the federal government needs more tools to support energy innovation if it wants to keep up with China. She also discusses how the administration is trying to Trump-proof the law. Shift Key is hosted by Robinson Meyer, the founding executive editor of Heatmap, and Jesse Jenkins, a professor of energy systems engineering at Princeton University.
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Here is an excerpt from our conversation:
Robinson Meyer: What do you hear from the companies? And I guess from your vantage point, are they beginning to do the lobbying work you feel like they should be doing to protect the parts of the law that are working?
Kristina Costa: I think they are. You know, we hear a lot of anxiety, as you can imagine, which is —
Meyer: Theme of this period.
Costa: Theme of this period is that there’s a lot of anxiety. And our hope is, and our belief is that they will turn that anxiety into action, in terms of educating members of Congress about how the law actually works and how it is underpinning the investments that they’re making.
And I think, you know, to take a step back and talk about policy for a little bit, one of the things, I think, that is not well understood in the rhetoric about how the different pieces of the Inflation Reduction Act actually work together is that — you know, we have provisions that are incentivizing investments in manufacturing, and people are generally pretty excited about that. We also have provisions that are incentivizing adoption of the technologies that are being manufactured. And in some cases people are pretty excited about that, and in other cases, it has been turned into a bit of a political cudgel. But the fact of the matter is that those two things are pretty interdependent.
So, for instance, we have what is called the 45X advanced manufacturing production tax credit, and that is largely a per-unit tax credit that goes to manufacturers of a specified list of clean energy components, including batteries for electric vehicles, as well as for grid storage. And we have seen just gangbusters investment in the EV battery space since the passage of the Inflation Reduction Act. It has set the United States up to be an EV battery manufacturing powerhouse. And this is, of course, an area of importance for the clean energy transition. It is also an area of incredible importance for U.S. energy security, given the currently dominant market position that China plays, that China holds in the EV battery supply chain.
And I think people generally think this is pretty good. But one of the reasons besides the 45X credit just providing a strong, straight-up incentive to invest in the United States and make these things in the United States is that the much-maligned 30D new clean vehicle tax credit that provides a subsidy to individuals to buy electric vehicles that are made in the United States has a bunch of pretty stringent requirements about the sourcing of batteries and of critical minerals contained within those vehicles in order to be eligible for the tax credit. And so you have both incentives to manufacture, but you also basically have incentives to provide support for the offtake of what those manufacturers are actually producing.
Those two things go hand in hand, and I don’t think that is well understood in the political rhetoric.
This episode of Shift Key is sponsored by …
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Intersolar & Energy Storage North America is the premier U.S.-based conference and trade show focused on solar, energy storage, and EV charging infrastructure. To learn more, visit intersolar.us.
Music for Shift Key is by Adam Kromelow.