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U.S. manufacturers are racing to get into the game while they still can.

In the weird, wide world of energy storage, lithium-ion batteries may appear to be an unshakeably dominant technology. Costs have declined about 97% over the past three decades, grid-scale battery storage is forecast to grow faster than wind or solar in the U.S. in the coming decade, and the global lithium-ion supply chain is far outpacing demand, according to BloombergNEF.
That supply chain, however, is dominated by Chinese manufacturing. According to the International Energy Agency, China controls well over half the world’s lithium processing, nearly 85% of global battery cell production capacity, and the lion’s share of actual lithium-ion battery production. Any country creating products using lithium-ion batteries, including the U.S., is at this point dependent on Chinese imports.
This has, understandably, sent U.S. manufactures searching for alternatives, and lately they have struck on one that has the industry all excited: sodium-ion batteries. As global interest ramps up, domestic manufacturers have at least a prayer of building out their own sodium-ion supply chains before China completely takes over. Research and consulting firm Benchmark Mineral Intelligence expects to see a 350% jump in announced sodium-ion battery manufacturing capacity this year alone. And while the supply of these batteries is only in the tens of gigawatts today, Benchmark forecasts that it will be in the hundreds of gigawatts by 2030.
Sodium-ion technology itself isn’t particularly disruptive — it’s not new, nor does it serve a new market, exactly. It performs roughly the same as lithium-ion in energy storage systems, providing around four hours of power for either grid-scale or residential applications. But sodium-ion chemistries have a handful of key advantages — perhaps most critically that sodium is significantly more abundant in the U.S. than lithium, and is thus far cheaper. China has unsurprisingly taken an early lead in the sodium-ion market anyway, reportedly opening its first sodium-ion battery storage station in May. But because the industry is still so nascent, domestic manufacturers say there’s still time for them to get in the game.
“We’re focused on catching up to China in lithium-ion batteries, where in our view, we should be leapfrogging to what’s next,” Cam Dales, co-founder and chief commercial officer at Peak Energy, a Bay Area-based sodium-ion battery storage startup, told me. “There’s no CATL of the United States. That’s ultimately our ambition, is to become that.”
As political tensions between China and the U.S. mount, relying on a Chinese-dominated battery supply chain is geopolitically risky. Last month, the Biden administration announced a steep increase in tariffs on a wide array of Chinese imports, including a 25% tariff on lithium-ion non-electric vehicle batteries starting in 2026, and another 25% tariff on battery parts and certain critical minerals starting this year.
Because sodium is so plentiful and cheap, companies in the space estimate that sodium-ion storage systems could eventually be around 40% less expensive than lithium-ion systems, once manufacturing scales. This lower price point could eventually make sodium-ion economically viable for storage applications “up to eight, 10, maybe even 12 hours,” Dales told me.
Sodium-ion also has a leg up on lithium-ion when it comes to safety. While this is an ongoing area of research, so far sodium-ion batteries appear less likely to catch fire, at least in part because of their lower energy density and the fact that their electrolytes generally have a higher flashpoint, the temperature at which the liquid is capable of igniting. This could make them safer to install indoors or pack close together. It’s also possible to discharge sodium-ion batteries down to zero volts, completely eliminating the possibility of battery fires during transit, whereas lithium-ion can’t be completely discharged without ruining the battery. Finally, sodium-ion performs better in the cold than lithium-ion batteries, which notoriously struggle to charge and discharge as efficiently at low temperatures.
“When we saw announcements coming out of China about very large investments in large capacity sodium projects, that was really an eye opener for us,” Dales told me. He and co-founder Landon Mossburg launched Peak Energy last year with $10 million in funding. The company is currently importing sodium-ion cells and assembling battery packs domestically, but by 2027, Dales said he hopes to produce both cells and packs in the U.S., with an eye toward opening a gigafactory and onshoring the entirety of the supply chain.
He’s not alone in this ambition. Natron Energy, another Silicon Valley-based sodium-ion company, has been at this for more than a decade. The startup, founded in 2012, recently opened the first commercial-scale sodium-ion battery manufacturing facility in the U.S. When fully ramped, the plant will have the capacity to produce 600 megawatts of batteries annually, paving the way for future gigawatt-scale facilities.
It cost Natron over $40 million to upgrade the Michigan-based plant, which formerly produced lithium-ion batteries, into a sodium-ion facility, and while the first shipments were expected to begin in June, none have yet been announced. The company’s backers include Khosla Ventures as well as strategic investors such as Chevron, which is interested in using this tech at EV charging stations; United Airlines, which hopes to use it for charging motorized ground equipment; and Nabor Industries, one of the world’s largest oil and gas drilling companies, which is interested in using sodium-ion batteries to power drilling rigs. It also received nearly $20 million from ARPA-E to fund the conversion of the Michigan facility.
Beyond the U.S. and China, France-based sodium-ion cell developer Tiamat is planning to build out a massive 5-gigawatt facility, while Sweden-based Northvolt and UK-based Faradion are also hoping to bring sodium-ion battery manufacturing to the European market.
Sodium-ion isn’t a magic bullet technology, though, and it certainly won’t make sense for all applications. The main reason there hasn’t been much interest up until now is because these batteries are about 30% less energy-dense than their lithium-ion counterparts. That likely doesn’t matter too much for grid-scale or even residential storage systems, where there’s usually enough open land, garage, or exterior wall space to install a sufficiently-sized system. But it is the reason why sodium-ion wasn’t commercialized sooner, as lithium-ion’s space efficiency is better suited to the portable electronics and electric vehicle markets.
“It’s only in the last two years probably, that the stationary storage market has gotten big enough where it alone can drive specific chemistries and the investment required to scale them,” Dales told me.
Catherine Peake, an analyst at Benchmark Mineral Intelligence, also told me that lithium iron phosphate batteries — the specific flavor of lithium-ion that’s generally favored for energy storage systems — usually have a longer cycle life than sodium-ion batteries, meaning they can charge and discharge more times before performance degrades. “That cycle life is actually a pretty key metric for [energy storage system] applications,” she said, though she acknowledged that Natron is an outlier in this regard, as the company claims to have a longer cycle life than standard lithium-ion batteries.
Lithium is also a volatile market. Though prices have bottomed out recently, less than two years ago the world was facing the opposite scenario, as China saw the price for battery-grade lithium carbonate hit an all-time high, Kevin Shang, a senior research analyst at the energy consultancy WoodMackenzie, told me. “So this catalyzed a soaring interest in sodium-ion batteries,” he said.
Although Shang and Peake agree that the U.S. could seize this moment to build a domestic sodium-ion supply chain, both also said that scaling production up to the level of China or other battery giants like South Korea or Japan is a longshot. “After all, they have been doing this battery-related business for over 10 years. They have more experience in scaling up these materials, in scaling up these technologies,” Shang told me.
These countries are home to the world’s largest battery manufacturers, with CATL and BYD in China and LG Energy in South Korea. But Natron and Peak Energy are both startups, lacking the billions that would allow for massive scale-up, at least in the short term.
“It shouldn't be underestimated how hard it is to make anything in large volume,” Matt Stock, a product director at Benchmark, told me. Largely due to the maturity of lithium-ion battery supply chains, the research firm doesn’t see sodium-ion becoming the dominant energy storage tech anytime soon. Rather, by 2030, Benchmark forecasts that sodium-ion batteries will comprise 5% of the battery energy storage market, increasing to over 10% by 2040. BloombergNEF is somewhat more optimistic, predicting sodium-ion will make up 12% of the stationary energy storage market by 2030.
And while storage may be the most obvious near-term use case for sodium-ion batteries, it’s certainly not the only industry that stands to benefit. China is experimenting with using these batteries in two- and three-wheeled vehicles such as electric scooters, bikes, and motorcycles. And as the tech improves, Stock said it’s possible that sodium-ion batteries could become a viable option for longer-range EVs as well.
Ultimately, Dales thinks these batteries will follow a similar technological trajectory to lithium iron phosphate, a chemistry that many in the west thought would never be suitable for use in electric vehicle batteries. “Over time, our view is that sodium-ion will continue to increase its energy density just like [lithium iron phosphate] did,” Dales told me. Now, lithium iron phosphate is the dominant battery chemistry for Chinese-made EVs. “But what actually happened was it was so cheap and they made it better and better and better than now it’s taking over the world. We see this playing out again with sodium-ion.”
Benchmark, on the other hand, is more circumspect regarding sodium-ion’s world dominating potential. Stock said he sees the technology more as a supplement to lithium-ion, which can swoop in when lithium prices boom or critical minerals shortages hit. “When that happens, something like sodium-ion can fill the space. And that’s really where it’s a complementary technology rather than a replacement,” he told me. “If there were other technologies as mature as sodium-ion, we’d also see those being scaled alongside it, but sodium-ion is kind of next in line.”
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The deal with developer Invenergy includes a commitment to build geothermal generation in addition to natural gas.
In the third deal of its kind, Trump’s Interior Department has agreed to pay the energy developer Invenergy $765 million to cancel its four offshore wind leases, an amount equal to what Invenergy originally paid the federal government for them.
Like the preceding deals, the administration structured the refund as a legal settlement with Invenergy. That means the government will pay the company out of the Judgment Fund, a reserve of taxpayer dollars overseen by the Department of Justice and the Treasury Department that’s set aside to settle litigation that’s either ongoing or imminent.
The Invenergy agreement follows a similar $928 million arrangement with TotalEnergies announced in March, and an $885 million agreement with several joint ventures in April. That brings the total amount the Trump administration has agreed to pay to cancel offshore wind leases to more than $2.5 billion to date. The agency has not yet posted the settlement publicly, but the previous agreements were predicated on hypothetical lawsuits that the offshore wind developers would have filed if the Trump administration had paused activity on their leases, which it threatened to do based on national security concerns.
The key difference in the Invenergy agreement is in the quid pro quo. The other settlements specified that the companies would only be eligible for payment after investing an equal amount into U.S. oil and gas projects. In exchange for walking away from its offshore wind leases, Invenergy promised not only to develop natural gas-fired power plants, but also geothermal power generation projects — which are emissions-free.
Invenergy is a diversified power developer that builds solar, storage, wind, and natural gas generation. The company currently has more than 30 gigawatts of solar in its development pipeline and 10 gigawatts of natural gas. It has not yet built a geothermal power plant, but it has leased 139,000 acres of federal land to explore geothermal development. It’s also a member of the Mountain West Geothermal Consortium, a group of states, investors, and companies working together to scale the technology.
Invenergy holds one offshore wind lease off the coast of New York and New Jersey that it purchased in 2022 for $645 million, where it was developing its Leading Light project before work stalled last November. It also has a lease off the coast of California that it acquired for $112 million, also in 2022, and two in the Gulf of Maine, for which it paid about $9 million in 2024.
In a blog post published Wednesday, Invenergy said the deal with the Trump administration would “bring more megawatts to the grid and advance projects that can move forward today,” implying that the projects the company will build instead of offshore wind will come online faster.
The problem with Trump’s quid pro quos across all of these deals is that there’s no guarantee the companies wouldn’t have invested the same amount of money into the same projects regardless of whether they were reimbursed for their offshore wind leases. In the case of Total, the settlement is explicit that projects the company had already committed to invest in prior to the deal qualify.
After the administration announced the second round of offshore wind lease buyouts in April, making it clear the strategy was not a one-off settlement with Total but a new strategy to squash the industry, I named Invenergy as one of two developers that could be next. The other one that seems positioned to reach a similar deal is RWE, a German energy company with plans to develop 15 natural gas plants in the U.S. RWE paid $1.1 billion in 2022 to purchase a lease off the coast of New York and New Jersey for a project called Community Offshore — the most any company has paid to date for U.S. offshore wind development rights. It also bought a lease in the Pacific for $121 million, and another in the Gulf of Mexico for about $4 million.
In a press release, the Interior Department signaled its intention to broker more such agreements. “The Department of Justice looks forward to continued cooperation from companies that are reevaluating their energy investments,” it said.
Legal experts I’ve spoken with are skeptical that any of these settlement agreements comply with federal law. The government’s leasing statutes generally do not allow companies to walk away from their agreement and receive a refund.
Earlier this month, a group of seven attorneys general from Northeast states challenged Trump’s deal with TotalEnergies in court. They alleged that there was no actual disagreement between the parties that would legitimize use of the Judgement Fund. They also argued that under the Outer Continental Shelf Lands Act, the statute governing offshore wind, the Interior Department was required to hold a hearing to investigate whether continued activity on the lease would cause serious harm to the environment or national security before cancelling it.
The Trump administration has lost every lawsuit thrown its way so far challenging its actions on offshore wind. Last week, it quietly gave up its own appeal of a federal court’s December decision vacating Trump’s Day One Executive Order to halt wind energy approvals. The Invenergy deal suggests that this was less a sign of surrender in Trump’s wind war than part of a pivot to other strategies.
Editor’s note: This story has been updated to include the press release from the Department of the Interior.
That may be not be the case for long, though, as the AI company poaches energy talent from Google, Meta, the DOE, and others.
To the extent that any $965 billion artificial intelligence company built on pirated model training material can be “good-coded,” Anthropic has somehow managed to earn that reputation, at least relative to its peers. It’s somewhat surprising, then, that the company has been silent on climate change.
Until today. Sort of.
Frontier Climate, a corporate initiative to drive advances in carbon removal, announced a $915 million advance market commitment growth fund on Wednesday, naming Anthropic as one of the participating buyers.
Frontier supports projects that are capable of sucking large amounts of carbon out of the atmosphere, a solution scientists say is a critical supplement to reducing emissions in order to curb climate change. With the new fund, Frontier is shifting its focus from supporting early innovation to taking bigger swings on fewer, larger projects. Anthropic, alongside Google, Stripe, Shopify, and others, has committed to co-sign offtake agreements to buy the resulting carbon removal.
The news throws into relief Anthropic’s nearly complete absence from the clean energy development picture. The company’s primary contribution to climate change is its energy consumption, which is driving up coal and natural gas-fired power generation. According to data shared with Heatmap by the market intelligence company Cleanview, the average carbon intensity of Anthropic’s data centers is among the highest of its competitors, second only to xAI. Yet unlike many of peers, the company has not announced a single clean power purchase agreement to date.
Anthropic’s reputation as the ethical AI company traces back to its origin story, which begins with a guy leaving OpenAI to build a company more committed to AI safety. That guy, Anthropic CEO Dario Amodei, speaks and writes openly about the risks to humanity posed by powerful AI. Anthropic has also donated millions to support the development of AI regulations and prohibited the use of its models for mass surveillance or autonomous weapons, putting it at odds with the Trump administration. The company has focused on text-based products, in part to avoid the risk of users creating child sexual abuse material.
To date, however, the company has not publicized any sustainability strategy, nor has it published an annual sustainability report. It has not made any public commitments to use clean energy or reduce emissions. It is not a member of the Corporate Energy Buyers Association, a trade group representing companies that buy emissions-free energy. The only mention of any of the above themes in the company’s “Transparency Hub” is a note that many of its customers use Claude, Anthropic’s AI model, to “increase public health, education, environmental sustainability, and societal benefits.”
To be fair, it’s not that Anthropic has never discussed clean power. In a July 2025 report titled “Building AI in America,” the company made recommendations for ensuring the U.S. can support a competitive AI industry. It advocated for an “all of the above” approach to power generation to meet AI demand in the near term, which would “maximize opportunities for AI to catalyze emerging energy technologies, such as next-generation geothermal and advanced nuclear” down the line. It endorsed permitting reform to speed up transmission development and called for increased domestic production of electrical grid equipment.
In a section on the use of federal lands, the report also made a subtle dig at the Trump administration’s discriminatory policies against wind and solar. It noted that “solar, batteries, and geothermal may prove the most economically efficient choices before advanced nuclear power comes online,” and that “limiting developers’ opportunities to procure some power sources but not others” could make American AI “less competitive in a period of global competition.”
From one perspective, it makes sense that Anthropic hasn’t gone out of its way to procure clean power. To date, the company has mostly leased data center capacity from other providers that do have clean power commitments, including Amazon and Google. That will soon be the case no longer, however, as it is planning to both build its own data centers and rent capacity from xAI’s Colossus data centers, which rely heavily on power from on-site natural gas turbines. Colossus is currently the subject of a lawsuit filed by the NAACP over its air pollution.
Anthropic also doesn’t need to own and operate its own data centers to assume responsibility on climate change. Jane Flegal, a senior fellow at the think tank the Searchlight Institute, argued in a recent paper that companies should forget trying to minimize their individual carbon footprints and just make the most high-leverage investments they can, whether that’s helping to finance a geothermal power plant or a transmission line or a new transformer for the grid.
Anthropic did not respond to my inquiry for this story, but there’s some evidence to suggest that the company may be starting to take on climate and clean energy beyond the Frontier deal.
In March and April, Anthropic made three new hires to lead its energy strategy who all have a background in clean power. Ariel Horowitz is the company’s new data center energy lead. She previously spent five years at the Massachusetts Clean Energy Center before becoming the deputy director of grid modernization at the federal Department of Energy during the Biden administration. Sana Ouiji, who spent six years at Google working on data center clean energy strategy, is one of Anthropic’s new energy leads. Another new energy lead, Andrew Rudersdorf, came from roles sourcing energy for Meta’s data centers, including renewables.
The company is also currently hiring for a director of infrastructure and energy accounting, and looking for someone with “experience accounting for energy contracts — Power Purchase Agreements, Virtual PPAs, Renewable Energy Credits, or similar commodity arrangements,” according to the job listing.
Anthropic also appears to be preparing for mandatory emissions reporting rules that large companies will soon be subject to in California and the European Union. In April, the company hired Chris Power, who previously worked in sustainability reporting for Amazon and Salesforce, as its new head of non-financial reporting and strategy, according to LinkedIn. In a post announcing his new job, Power said part of his role would be building out the company’s sustainability reporting capabilities.
While funding carbon removal through Frontier is a major step forward for Anthropic on climate, the company is sure to face criticism over its order of operations. Scientists largely agree that carbon removal is an important solution for down the line, but only if the world also dramatically reduces the amount of carbon it emits in the first place — not least because doing so is less expensive and less resource-intensive than removing emissions in the future.
My colleague Robinson Meyer had Hannah Bebbington Valori, the head of Frontier, on his podcast Shift Key this morning, and asked her whether Anthropic is an example of the common concern that the potential to remove carbon from the atmosphere in the future could be used to delay cutting emissions today.
Bebbington Valori didn’t comment on Anthropic specifically. But she did say that most of the companies buying carbon removal with Frontier and otherwise do have broader climate programs. She also noted that buying carbon removal from Frontier is not a “get out jail free card,” since it costs hundreds of dollars per carbon credit, and that in general the world is spending a lot more money on decarbonization than carbon removal.
“And then, you know, the other way to answer this question,” she added, “is we should hold folks’ feet to the fire on this. People who buy carbon removal, people who don’t buy carbon removal, should be thinking about decarbonizing their emissions.”
Current conditions: The powerful earthquake that killed at least 61 people in the Philippines last week raised the seabed by as much as 7 feet • Raja Ampat, the archipelago off Indonesia’s Southwest Papua province, is enduring days of intense thunderstorms • The Gulf Coast of Texas is bracing for what could become a tropical cyclone set to dump heavy rain across the region.

On Tuesday, the Financial Times reported that ConocoPhillips was on the brink of announcing a deal to become the first U.S. oil company to reenter Syria since President Ahmed al-Sharaa officially took office last year. The deal, expected to be formalized this week, would be a sign of regrowth after 14 years of brutal civil war that finally ended with the surrender of longtime president and de facto dictator Bashar al-Assad. The Syrian government said last year that a potential deal could increase output of gas by up to 5 million cubic meters per day within a year, a major leap toward restoring an industry that once produced a prewar high of 30 million cubic meters per day in 2011.
When Frontier launched in 2022 as a vehicle for those who want to fund carbon removal from the atmosphere, there were barely a dozen companies working to crack the technology. Now there are hundreds of startups taking nearly two dozen different approaches. And Frontier is pulling in more money to spread among them. The company said Wednesday that its buyers committed $915 million to invest in carbon removal companies. Anthropic, one of the leading developers of artificial intelligence models, is among the new buyers. Neither Anthropic nor OpenAI, Anthropic’s peer and rival, has made any kind of public climate-related commitment, making the AI giant’s entry into the group particularly notable.
It’s a sign, perhaps, that the old way of thinking about corporate climate actions — a single-minded focus on carbon accounting — is giving way to more substantive solutions.
As Heatmap’s Emily Pontecorvo put it this week, a growing chorus of experts says that carbon accounting is “not just inadequate, but actively harmful to bringing about the systems-level change required to decarbonize the economy.”
The Department of Justice has officially weighed in to defend Elon Musk’s artificial intelligence startup against a lawsuit in which the NAACP accused the company of building its Colossus Gas Plant in mostly Black neighborhoods between Tennessee and Mississippi. In court papers filed Monday and covered by E&E News and Wired, the Justice Department said the civil rights group’s litigation threatened the U.S. military’s ability to “meet its national security mission and keep pace with adversaries” using xAI’s Grok chatbot. Grok’s ability to operate “is a matter of paramount national security” because it is one of only four cutting-edge AI models that can support national security applications, and one of just three suitable for “mission-critical operations across Secret and Top-Secret classified networks,” the agency told U.S. District Judge Debra Brown, who is presiding over the lawsuit in federal court in Mississippi.
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Regular readers of this newsletter know that I like to cover the major steps in any reactor’s construction, but especially those in China. When I think back to previous newsletters and the specific updates in them, I struggle to pinpoint exactly when I wrote what, given how frequently the basic facts of the stories repeat themselves. The effect of this, I hope, is to leave you with the accurate impression that China is building a lot of reactors very quickly and efficiently — and to give you pause about how seldom you hear about similar milestones coming out of any other countries. Well, in that spirit, here’s the latest. On Monday, World Nuclear News reported that China General Nuclear Power, the country’s biggest state-owned reactor firm, just lifted the outer dome into place at its fifth reactor at the Ningde Nuclear Power Plant in Fujian province. The 270-metric-ton dome will cap off the containment vessel for the latest Hualong One, China’s flagship reactor with a domestic design.
Last month, Hawaii passed a law that slashed tax credits for both utility-scale and residential solar projects, limiting the amount available each year until a phase-out in 2030. Those changes were set to apply retroactively to projects built in 2026. But Governor Josh Green, a Democrat, just signed an executive order preserving the solar tax credit throughout the end of the year. “Distributed solar energy has been, and will continue to be, a leading contributor to the state’s sustainability and resiliency goals,” the executive order states, according to KHON-2, a local TV station.
Tesla is expanding its VPP efforts. The company said Tuesday that its Powerwall battery leasing program would now include a built-in participation in a virtual power plant. That’s without any additional enrollment or management by the customer. The pilot is rolling out first in Massachusetts and Connecticut.