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The hiking community is usually the biggest supporter of conservation efforts. But sometimes the animal you’re conserving is scary.

Before I learned his name, I knew Joe Scott only as the Bear Guy.
“Oh, and he is an archetypal Bear Guy,” Andrea Wolf-Buck, the communications director of Conservation Northwest, a Washington state conservation nonprofit, wrote me in a follow-up email after the initial oblique introduction. “Joe does not disappoint!”
I was speaking with Wolf-Buck in the first place because, unlike Conservation Northwest, I am not someone who has a Bear Guy on speed dial. To be honest, all I knew about bears at that point boiled down to three things: 1) that I really do not want to get eaten by one, 2) something something something play dead?, and 3) that they brought out extremely strong opinions in the ever-lively Washington Hikers and Climbers Facebook group, a 263,000-member-strong private community prone to long debates over the ethics of geotagging photos, the progeny of large animal tracks, and, evidently, the proposed restoration of grizzly bears in North Cascades National Park on the Canadian border.
A typical comment thread on a post about the latter in recent years has looked something like this:
Stupid idea. Let them roam where they roam. If they end up migrating down here, then so be it.
We do not want grizzly bears in the North Cascades. Keep them where they are. This is a terrible idea.
I think Mother Earth approves. I’m excited about this!
I am a hiker and climber and would prefer not to be killed by a bear.
This is amazing conservation news and a project long in the making to bring them back to their habitat!
I love the N Cascades the way they are.
NO.
I, like many members of the overwhelmingly liberal, animal-loving, granola-munching hiking community in Washington state, am predisposed to anything and everything that has a conservation angle. The fisher restoration? Bring ‘em back! Gray wolves? A majestic animal and a beautiful success story! But guiltily, I’d felt a niggling sense of, well, understanding when fellow outdoor enthusiasts expressed nervousness about the grizzly proposal.
“[T]he thought of grizzlies in the North Cascades sends shivers down many a Northwest hiker’s spine,” Craig Romano, a local guidebook author in favor of the restoration project, has written. “And I know that many of my fellow hikers have no desire to hike in grizzly country — even less so to encourage these bears to return to some of their favorite hiking grounds.”

Though grizzlies (also called brown bears) once numbered in the thousands in the Pacific Northwest, their population was decimated by the Hudson Bay Company's fur operation in the mid 1800s. While hikers send pictures of cinnamon-colored (and deceptively named) black bears to the North Cascades park stewards in excitement every season, the last credible grizzly sighting in the area was in 1996. The grizzly bear — one of the most iconic symbols of the mountain west — is now believed to be functionally extirpated in the North Cascades.
Despite being a conservation horror story, this history has made modern Washington something of an arkoudaphobic hiker’s paradise. The state has all the rugged, breathtaking alpine beauty of places like Glacier National Park, Yellowstone, or British Columbia, but without the accompanying media reports of grizzly attacks. While Washington does have plenty of smaller black bears, they’re skittish and not considered to be much of a threat; precautions like bear spray and bear bells, all necessary in grizz’ country, are frequently dismissed by longtime locals as paranoid out-of-towner behavior. As Conservation Northwest’s Wolf-Buck sympathized with me on a call, “No Washingtonian who goes into the woods is really afraid of a black bear. We know what we’re supposed to do. Grizzly is a different story.”
The latest iteration of the on-again-off-again Washington state grizzly reintroduction process began in 2015 and found an unexpected bipartisan ally in President Donald Trump’s then-secretary of the Interior, Ryan Zinke. Opposition by the local ranching communities, taken up by Rep. Dan Newhouse (R-Wash.), sent Zinke backpedaling, and his successor, David Bernhardt, shut down the plan for good. Then last November, the National Park Service and U.S. Fish and Wildlife Service revived the effort to reintroduce the bears using the Endangered Species Act provision 10(j), intended to “relieve landowner concerns” by giving potential newcomer bears an experimental status of “threatened,” allowing for more management options and relaxing regulations. The public comment period ended in December; now everyone is waiting for the environmental impact statement, which is the next bureaucratic hurdle to clear.
In the meantime, you can count on a Bear Guy to tell it to you straight. “I think the number of human deaths at the claws of grizzly bears [in Yellowstone National Park] totals 11 since 1872,” Scott said. “So there’s your perspective.”
Scott’s real title is international program director of Conservation Northwest; in addition to working on the grizzly program in the North Cascades, he partners with teams in British Colombia on similar grizzly revitalization projects. The programs in B.C. are often led by First Nations groups, who are spiritually, culturally, and even geographically linked to the grizzly; on the southern side of the border, the Upper Skagit Indian Tribe has voiced support for the restoration efforts but did not reply to a request for comment by press time.
Scott had actually overestimated the fatalities he quoted to me: Since Yellowstone was founded, just eight people have been killed by grizzlies inside the park boundary (a ninth unsubstantiated fatality may have occurred in 1907 after someone supposedly poked a bear cub with an umbrella). The home of Old Faithful gets 4.8 million visitors a year; North Cascades, by contrast, is one of the least-visited National Parks, with just 30,154 visitors in 2022. Yellowstone estimates the odds of being injured by a grizzly within its borders are around 1 in 2.7 million visits; in theory, if that ratio held in Washington, it could take almost 90 years before there was even an injury.
Grizzlies are “not like little Tasmanian devils spinning around the landscape, striking hapless humans at random, or some nonsense like that,” Tom Smith, a bear biologist specializing in human-bear conflict, and who is not involved in the North Cascades restoration effort, told me. “There is always some predisposing factor, and the vast majority of those [attacks] … if the persons had done something proactive or differently, they wouldn’t have happened.”

The problem is, there is a lot of bad information out there about grizzlies, which is why people like me — outdoorsy, environmentally minded, sympathetic to conservation efforts — can get caught up in the what-ifs. Many such fallacies are repeated and amplified in those Facebook posts: that the translocation candidates would be other place’s “problem bears” (they wouldn’t be); that we don’t need more meat-eating carnivores roaming the mountains (Cascade grizzlies are heavy plant-eaters); and that we should wait for the bears to come back on their own (cut off from the North Cascades by roads and cities in B.C., they won’t). Even concerns about climate change’s impact on future bears can be assuaged; research shows habitats favorable to grizzlies are only likely to expand as the region warms, in part because bears eat many of the plants that are the first to spring up after wildfires.
Then there is the fact that we’re still years and years away from grizzlies being more than a few needles in a vast 9,800-square-mile haystack. The proposal on the table is to move just 25 bears into the mountains over a 10-year period, with the dream goal of the population reaching perhaps 200 after a century. “I will probably never see a grizzly in the wild in my lifetime in Washington state,” Wolf-Buck told me.
Despite the anxiety on social media, most people are also supportive of the proposal. A May 2016 poll commissioned by Defenders of Wildlife, another conservation nonprofit supporting the bear project, and conducted by Tulchin Research, found 79% of hikers, campers, hunters, and fishers in the state supported the effort. Among all voters, approval was one percentage point better.
Support dips to a still-strong 66% in the eastern, agricultural, and red parts of the state, including Okanogan County, which lies directly to the proposed reintroduction area’s east. “In the community that I am a part of, and in the circles that I typically spend my time in, people are staunchly opposed to having another predator to deal with,” Pam Lewison, a rancher and the director of the Center for Agriculture at the conservative Washington Policy Center think tank, told me, adding that “ultimately, the thought that these are majestic creatures who are more afraid of you than you are them is just not true.”
But grizzlies are “odds assessors,” according to Smith, the bear biologist, and there are simple ways for hikers to tilt the math in their favor. In addition to precautions recreationists should already be taking in black bear country — storing food in bear canisters and never in a tent — the “one thing I don’t see blazoned across every pamphlet that should be there is, you have no business going into bear country without a deterrent,” Smith told me. “I mean, you have no business.” For most people, that just means getting in the habit of carrying bear spray. And hike with friends: “The simplest thing that a person can do, that shows consistent positive results, is hike with two or more people,” Smith added. “I don’t have a single incident in North America where two people calmly stood their ground and the bear touched them.” (Oh, and all that stuff about playing dead? Don’t do that.)

Will there be a learning curve? Of course. But “just like the bears, we’re a highly adaptable species,” Scott told me, pointing out that “people will get used to it: They get used to carrying bear spray, they get used to storing their food in bins, they get used to making noise on a trail, and they get used to leashing their dogs. None of this is all that big of a deal.”
Then the Bear Guy said something that surprised me: that maybe we should be a little bit nervous outdoors. Maybe Washingtonians’ laxity is what is unnatural, the wildlife population long ago brought to a bloody heel by us. But is that actually what we want our state’s remaining wild lands to be — human playgrounds? “Some people want it, but I think most people don’t,” Scott said. “All the marketing for the outdoor crap and all this stuff — it’s all about adventure. Well, you want adventure? Here you go. Guaranteeing your safety is not adventure.”
There is still much work ahead: more studies; more research; more proposals; more letters to Congress; more outreach to the state’s ranchers, who are concerned about their livelihoods and the stresses on animals they care about; and, especially, more education of those who want to enjoy the beauty of Washington state but are a little bit uneasy about sharing that space with newcomers.
Which, to an extent, maybe we ought to be. As a wise Bear Guy once told me, “we might not necessarily be the boss out there, and that’s a good thing.”
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Properly known as “manufactured homes,” they’re extremely vulnerable to extreme heat.
When it gets too hot, the human body starts to cook. At 89.6 degrees Fahrenheit you begin sweating to maintain your core body temperature; by 95 degrees, you’re no longer able to shed heat through radiation alone, relying entirely on the mechanism of water evaporating from your skin. Once it’s 104 degrees out, your body stops working the way it should. By 120 degrees, if you don’t take drastic measures to cool and hydrate yourself immediately, you’re dead.
It’s still unusual for most parts of the U.S. to reach 120 degrees (though humidity and “wet bulb” temperature can reduce the effectiveness of sweating, making much cooler temperatures dangerous, too). The bad news, though, is that it’s not the outdoors you necessarily need to be all that worried about. Most people who die in heatwaves die inside.
Manufactured homes, also called mobile homes, are particularly lethal in extreme heat. During the 2021 Pacific Northwest heat dome, 20% of the 96 people who died in Oregon lived in such housing, according to an analysis by The Oregonian. In Phoenix in 2024, a full quarter of heat-related deaths occurred in mobile home parks, trailers, and RVs, which make up only 5% of the Valley’s housing stock. In Pima County, the rural region that encompasses Tucson, the share of deaths in the homes was even higher.
And yet last week, the House of Representatives approved a bill that could prevent the adoption of regulations that would help prevent future heat-related deaths in manufactured homes. The vote was the culmination of a nearly decade-long fight over who should regulate the construction of manufactured homes, which are crucial to solving the housing crisis and the primary route to low-income homeownership. It also lies at the crux of the debate over building out quick, cheap homes — the industry’s preference — versus investing in resilient construction practices with an eye on a hotter future.
H.R. 5184 looks, on its surface, like a common-sense affordability bill. Energy standards for manufactured homes have traditionally fallen under the purview of the Department of Housing and Urban Development, which has not updated the regulations since 1994. In 2007, on a bipartisan vote, Congress passed a law directing the Department of Energy — which has more expertise in energy efficiency than HUD — to set new standards for manufactured homes, which the department (finally) issued in 2022, and which focus on increasing insulation and reducing air leaks.
Slammed as costly “red tape,” the standards were repeatedly held off from going into effect. H.R. 5184 is meant to ensure they never will. Indiana’s Republican Representative Erin Houchin, who authored the bill, claims that the regulations would increase the upfront cost of manufactured homes by “$10,000 to $15,000” over the existing HUD standards. (The DOE’s analysis of the 2022 rule put the added construction cost at between $627 and $4,438, depending on the size of the home and the climate zone.) Proponents of the bill also say it would streamline oversight of manufactured home energy efficiency standards by reverting regulatory authority to HUD alone and excluding the DOE from the rule-making process henceforth.
The bill passed the House with bipartisan support from every Republican and 57 Democrats, the latter group led by Massachusetts Representative Jake Auchincloss. According to the American Council for an Energy-Efficient Economy, which opposes the bill, Auchincloss reportedly used the word abundance “multiple times” when advocating for H.R. 5184 in a private meeting — an apparent reference to the Abundance Agenda, which pushes to remove regulatory roadblocks to progressive goals such as clean energy and affordable housing. (Auchincloss’ team did not respond to a request for comment, though in a letter to his Democratic colleagues, he described housing affordability as “a national problem that we should address with common-sense regulatory reform.”)
But “is the purpose of housing to keep us safe and well and to allow us to actually live our best lives, or is it something else?” Vivek Shandas, the founder of the Sustaining Urban Places Research Lab at Portland State University, asked me. “If housing is set up to keep us out of the elements, then what we’re essentially agreeing to when we’re cutting some of these safety precautions is exposing people to more of the elements,” he said.
The American Council for an Energy-Efficient Economy, an advocacy group, has stressed that H.R. 5184, which preserves the 30-year-old HUD standard, will increase the average annual energy bill by up to $475 for residents of new double-wide homes compared to what they would have paid under the 2022 rules. ACEEE estimates that the break-even point for monthly net savings to recoup the added initial down payment, taxes, and fees for a single-wide home in the South would have been just over a year, and just over four years for a double-wide in the same region. “My hope is that U.S. senators can do math better than, apparently, a majority of their House colleagues and recognize that energy savings significantly exceed the cost of insulation and air sealing,” Mark Kresowik, the senior policy director at ACEEE, told me.
Manufactured home owners already spend an outsized amount of their income on energy costs, and higher energy bills could push residents to avoid turning on their air conditioning during heatwaves, putting their health and potentially their lives at risk. It is “absolutely correct” that H.R. 5184 could result in more mobile home park deaths as a result, Kresowik said.
Cooling manufactured homes can be challenging in general, though. “We’re finding that in some of these [existing] manufactured homes on a 105-degree day, temperatures will be upward of 120, 125 degrees inside,” Shandas said — the threshold of human survival. That’s partially because, unlike site-built homes, mobile homes are often placed on asphalt, which “radiates that heat at night and keeps the temperatures inside the homes up.”
“When the sun rises the next morning,” Shandas explained, “it continues to heat up,” creating a deadly compounding effect.
Even residents who can afford to run an air conditioning unit around the clock at full blast can be in trouble in poorly insulated homes. AC frequently “doesn’t have the horsepower to reduce [indoor temperatures] down to less than 85 degrees, so it often tends to hang around 90 inside on a 100-degree day,” Shandas said. Particularly for the older adult population, some 3.2 million of whom live in manufactured and mobile homes, that is enough to be dangerous.
Esther Sullivan, an expert on manufactured homes at the University of Colorado Denver and the author of Manufactured Insecurity: Mobile Home Parks and Americans’ Tenuous Right to Place, emphasized that H.R. 5184 will affect only the construction of new homes. The most vulnerable live in mobile homes built before the HUD codes instituted in 1976, and which may have as little as an inch of separation between the inside and the outdoors. (One resident Shandas interviewed in Northeast Portland told him that he could tell how fast the wind was blowing when he was inside with his windows closed — it was that drafty.)
As supporters of H.R. 5184 — like the Manufactured Housing Institute, a trade organization that lobbied in support of the bill — point out, most home manufacturers are already voluntarily meeting or exceeding the 2022 DOE standards. (The MHI pointed me toward its statement in support of the bill when I reached out for comment.) Andrew Rumbach, the co-lead of the climate and communities program at the Urban Institute, which does not take an official side for or against the bill, told me that “even if the current HUD standards were not updated and you purchased a manufactured home today, you’re far more safe in an extreme heat event compared to someone who lives in one of those older, potentially dilapidated homes.”
Sullivan also cheered the advancements in new manufactured home construction. Factory-produced housing, even more than site-based homes, can incorporate “extreme innovations in things like energy efficiency,” she said. But H.R. 5184 would be a “major step backward,” she went on, arguing that it won’t even address the housing abundance goals touted by its supporters. “The problem with producing more housing is allowing more housing to be located,” she said. “It’s zoning.” Many suburban and metropolitan areas, for example, forbid mobile home parks from being sited within their borders.
Preventing mobile home deaths in heatwaves will require attention to the existing housing stock, which needs expensive weatherization and park-level infrastructure upgrades, such as shade and collective cooling shelters. “We’ve seen firsthand how replacing aging, energy-inefficient manufactured homes with new, efficient models can create long-term stability for families and entire communities,” Scott Leonard, the Oregon residential project manager of Energy Trust, a nonprofit that helps families make such upgrades to their homes, told me in a statement. Shandas specifically highlighted the need for local, engaged park managers who can check in on residents during extreme heat events. (He also suggested “some kind of indicator or warning that would tell people to leave when it’s hotter inside than outside and go to a cooling center.”)
But new construction needs to be energy efficient as well, so homeowners can afford the operating costs of life-saving AC units during increasingly hot summers. “The bottom line is that people who live in places that have heat waves deserve to live in a home that’s safe from those heat waves,” Rumbach said.
On bring-your-own-power, Trump’s illegal energy cuts, and New York’s nuclear bonanza
Current conditions: Temperatures in Buffalo, New York, are set to plunge by 40 degrees Fahrenheit • Snow could hit the Mid-Atlantic and Northeast as early as midweek • A cold snap in northern India is thickening fog in the region.
In a post on Truth Social last night, President Donald Trump said he’s “working with major American Technology Companies to secure their commitment to the American People” and shift the burden of financing the data center buildout away from ordinary consumers. “First up is Microsoft, who my team has been working with, and which will make major changes beginning this week to ensure that Americans don’t ‘pick up the tab’ for their POWER consumption, in the form of paying higher utility bills.” He said more announcements were coming in the weeks ahead. While “Data Centers are key to that boom, and keeping Americans FREE and SECURE,” he said “Companies who build them must ‘pay their own way.’”
Hours earlier, Meta CEO Mark Zuckerberg set the stage for a similar announcement when he posted on Threads that the company was establishing a new “top-level initiative” aimed at building “tens of gigawatts” of power for the Facebook owner’s data centers.
A federal judge has overturned President Donald Trump’s latest attempt to kill New England’s Revolution Wind project. On Monday evening, the U.S. District Court for the District of Columbia granted a preliminary injunction suspending the Trump administration’s order halting construction on the nearly complete joint venture from Danish wind giant Orsted and Global Infrastructure Partners’ Skyborn Renewables. The decision allows construction to restart immediately while the underlying lawsuit challenging multiple attempts by the Department of the Interior to yank its permits continues in court. In a statement, Orsted said it would resume construction as soon as possible. “Today’s ruling is a decisive win for energy reliability and the hundreds of thousands of families counting on Revolution Wind,” Kat Burnham, the industry group Advanced Energy United’s senior principal and New England policy lead, said in a statement. “The court rightly saw through a politically motivated stop-work order that would have caused real harm: driving up costs, delaying power for Rhode Island and Connecticut, and putting good-paying jobs at risk. It’s good news for workers, ratepayers, and anyone who recognizes the need for a fair energy market.” To glean some insights into how the White House’s most recent effort fell short, it’s worth reviewing my colleague Jael Holzman’s coverage of the last failure and this time.
The Environmental Protection Agency is scrapping the decades-long practice of calculating the health benefits of reducing air pollution by estimating the cost of avoided asthma attacks and premature deaths to justify clean-air rules. Citing internal documents, The New York Times reported Monday that the Trump administration plans to stop tallying the health benefits from curbing two of the most widespread, deadly pollutants: fine particulate matter and ozone. The newspaper called the move “a seismic shift that runs counter to the EPA’s mission statement.” The overhaul could make slashing limits on pollution from coal-burning plants, oil refineries, and steel mills easier. It’s part of a broader overhaul of the EPA’s regulatory system to disregard the scientific realities that few, if any, credible scientists challenged before. As Heatmap’s Emily Pontecorvo asked in July when the agency dispensed with the idea that carbon emissions are dangerous, “what comes next?”
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A federal judge ruled Monday that the Trump administration’s decision to slash $8 billion in energy grants to recipients in mostly Democratic-led states was illegal. In his decision, Amit Mehta, whom Obama appointed to the bench of the U.S. District Court for the District of Columbia, wrote that the “terminated grants had one glaring commonality: all the awardees (but one) were based in states whose majority of citizens casting votes did not support President Trump in the 2024 election.” The ruling called on the Department of Energy to reverse its decision to rescind all awards mentioned in the case. The case only covered seven grants, leaving funding for more than 200 other projects up in the air. But as NOTUS noted, the Energy Department’s internal watchdog announced an audit into the cancellations last month.

New York Governor Kathy Hochul positioned herself as one of the most ambitious Democratic governors on nuclear power last summer when, as Heatmap’s Mattew Zeitlin covered at the time, she directed the state-owned New York Power Authority to facilitate construction of at least a gigawatt of new atomic power reactors by 2040. Last week, as we covered here, her administration unveiled 23 potential commercial partners, including Bill Gates’ TerraPower and the utility NextEra, and eight possible communities in which to site the state’s next nuclear plant. Now the governor’s office has told the Syracuse Post-Standard that the administration aims to up the goal from 1 gigawatt to 5 gigawatts of new reactors.
The move comes as Hochul prepares to announce another initiative Tuesday to force data centers to pay for their own energy needs. Piggybacking off Trump’s push, the effort will require “that projects driving exceptional demand without exceptional job creation or other benefits cover the costs they create – through charges or supplying their own power,” according to Axios.
Brazil and Argentina are South America’s only two countries with commercial nuclear power. Despite having governments on opposite sides of the continent’s political divide, the two nations are collaborating on maritime nuclear, using small modular reactors to power ships or produce power from floating plants. “The energy transition process we are experiencing guides us to work together to evolve nuclear regulations and their necessary harmonization, with a view to the use of nuclear reactors on board ships worldwide and, especially, in our jurisdictional waters,” Petronio Augusto Siqueira De Aguiar, the Brazilian admiral from the Naval Secretariat for Nuclear Safety and Quality, said in a statement.
A federal court has once again allowed Orsted to resume construction on its offshore wind project.
A federal court struck down the Trump administration’s three-month stop work order on Orsted’s Revolution offshore wind farm, once again allowing construction to resume (for the second time).
Explaining his ruling from the bench Monday, U.S. District Judge Royce Lamberth said that project developer Orsted — and the states of Rhode Island and Connecticut, which filed their own suit in support of the company — were “likely” to win on the merits of their lawsuit that the stop work order violated the Administrative Procedures Act. Lamberth said that the Trump administration’s stop work order, issued just before Christmas, amounted to a change in administration position without adequate justification. The justice said he was not sure the emergency being described by the government exists, and that the “stated national security reason may have been pretextual.”
This case was life or death for Revolution Wind. If the stop work order had not been enjoined, Orsted told the court it may not have been able to secure proper vessels for at-sea construction for long enough to complete the project on schedule. This would have a domino effect, threatening Orsted’s ability to meet deadlines in signed power agreements with Rhode Island and Connecticut and therefore threatening wholesale cancellation of the project.
Undergirding this ruling was a quandary Orsted pointed out to the justice: The government issued the stop work order claiming it was intended to mitigate national security concerns but refused to share specifics of the basis for the stop work order with the developer. At the Monday hearing on the injunction in Washington, D.C., Revolution Wind’s legal team pointed to a key quote in a filing submitted by the Justice Department from Interior Deputy Assistant Secretary Jacob Tyner, saying that the Bureau of Ocean Energy Management, the federal offshore energy regulator, was “not aware” of whether the national security risks could ever be mitigated, “and, if they can, whether the developers would find the proposed mitigation measures acceptable.”
This was the first positive outcome in what are multiple legal battles against the Christmas stop work orders against offshore wind projects. As I reported last week, two other developers filed individual suits alongside Orsted against their respective pauses: Dominion Energy in support of the Coastal Virginia offshore project, and Equinor over Empire Wind.
I expect what happened in the Revolution Wind case to be the beginning of a trend, as a cursory examination of the filings in those cases indicate similar contradictions to those that led to Revolution winning out. We’ll find out soon: The hearing on Empire’s stop work order is scheduled for Wednesday and Coastal Virginia on Friday.