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Where there’s heat — like, say, the molten core of the Earth — there’s energy.

Could the answer to our energy demand conundrums lie beneath our feet? And no, I’m not talking about oil, coal, or natural gas. I’m referring to the fundamental stuff of energy itself: heat. Geothermal power is having something of a moment as a non-carbon-emitting source of electricity that everyone seems to like — including climate activists, the oil and gas industry, technology companies, and even the Trump White House and Republican-controlled Congress.
Geothermal energy has been in use for decades, but has seemingly faced fundamental geological and physical restrictions in how much of a resource it could ever be. Now, however, thanks to new technological and process developments, including some borrowed from the oil and gas industry, geothermal could become a pillar of the energy system, potentially making up as much as 90 gigawatts of capacity by the middle of the century, roughly equal to nuclear power today.
But I’m getting ahead of myself — let’s start with the basics.
At its most fundamental, geothermal energy is the heat from the Earth’s core made usable up here on top of the crust. The International Energy Agency estimates that the Earth holds 45 terawatts of continuous heat flow, thanks to a mixture of energy left over from the planet’s formation and the radioactive decay of isotopes in its core and mantle of layers, where the temperature is probably around 5,000 degrees Celsius. In general, temperatures go up around 25 degrees per kilometer you go beneath the Earth’s crust.
Any geothermal system needs three things: heat, fluid, and permeability. The energy comes from heat, which is transferred through fluid, and the fluid has to move through permeable rocks to reach the surface. Traditional geothermal involves finding fluid — typically water or steam — that can be brought to the surface and used to spin turbines that generate electricity. Sometimes this happens directly with underground steam; in other cases, extremely hot water under high pressure is converted to steam as it’s brought to the surface; in still other cases, geothermal heat is used to heat another liquid, which is then vaporized to spin a turbine.
Traditional geothermal is inherently limited, however — there’s only so much hot water already under the Earth’s surface that can be economically tapped. “It’s a great solution, but only in a handful of places on Earth where those conditions are met,” Drew Nelson, vice president of programs, policy, and strategy at Project InnerSpace, a geothermal nonprofit, told me. Iceland, Kenya, Indonesia, certain parts of the American Southwest have the ideal mix, but that still leaves a lot of untapped energy. “It’s hot everywhere underground,” Nelson said.
The number of hot rocks through which fluid can be pumped is far, far greater than the amount of naturally occurring hot steam or water. Enhanced geothermal systems bring fluid to already hot rocks, in a sense creating a reservoir that otherwise you’d have to rely on nature to supply. This is done using techniques borrowed from the oil and gas industry, including horizontal drilling and hydraulic fracturing, to run fluid through the hot rocks before bringing it back up to the surface.
A related technology, closed-loop geothermal (sometimes called “advanced geothermal”), runs fluid through underground pipes that harvest heat from rocks, instead of turning the rock themselves into a reservoir for hot fluid.
The United States is the once and perhaps future champion of geothermal power. We still have the world’s largest installed base of geothermal generation — but it’s largely from projects that were built between 1980 and 1995, according to the International Energy Association. About half of the United States’ roughly 4 gigawatts of geothermal capacity came online in the 1980s alone, according to Energy Information Administration data. Most of this is in California and Nevada.
The Department of Energy has estimated that geothermal could provide at least 90 gigawatts of power, or around 4% of total U.S. generation capacity, by 2050. In practice, however, geothermal could be more valuable on the grid than other more plentiful energy sources because it’s not weather dependent, meaning that much more of that capacity is consistently available.
Either way, the geothermal industry by 2050 will look very different from the one today. Recent growth has been concentrated in California, where utility regulators and the state legislature have instituted aggressive mandates for geothermal procurement, seeing it as a round-the-clock source of non-carbon-emitting power. Future growth, however, has started throughout the American West, and could, thanks to new technologies, flourish all over the world.
As with any source of power, especially if it can be used 24/7, the answer is likely technology companies. The Rhodium Group estimated that geothermal could supply “up to 64%” of future data center demand.
Last year, Meta signed a deal for 150 megawatts of geothermal power from Sage Geosystems, a Texas-based next-generation geothermal startup that specializes in long-duration power generation, and specifically energy storage. That would likely come online in 2027.
One of the leading enhanced geothermal companies, Fervo, has been providing power from a site in Nevada since 2023, and is developing a substantially larger, 500-megawatt project in Beaver County, Utah, near an existing Department of Energy research facility. That should be online by 2026. More recently, Fervo has inked deals with the likes of Google and Nevada utility NV Energy, and is working with the Department of Energy to expand its drilling and bring down costs.
The company has also hinted that it has a megadeal in the works, but even without that, Fervo has achieved impressive scale and results. The company has reported steadily decreasing drilling costs, falling from over $9 million per well to under $5 million from 2022 to 2024, and raised hundreds of millions of dollars from investors including Breakthrough Energy Ventures, DCVC, and Devon Energy.
What has made geothermal distinctive among the array of non-emitting energy sources is that Republicans like it, too. Tax credits accessible to geothermal developers were largely spared in the One Big Beautiful Bill Act, which featured deep cuts to wind and solar incentives. A gaggle of Republican lawmakers have visited Fervo’s Utah site, and Fervo Chief Executive Tim Latimer recently spoke alongside fossil energy executives with the American Energy Dominance Caucus, a bipartisan House caucus. Past bills to streamline permitting for geothermal exploration have had Republican and Democratic sponsors, often from Mountain West states.
Even Trump likes geothermal. The White House’s new AI Action Plan, released in July, calls on policymakers to “prioritize the interconnection of reliable, dispatchable power sources as quickly as possible and embrace new energy generation sources at the technological frontier,” including, by name, “enhanced geothermal.”
One major near-term risk for the geothermal buildout is Trump’s tariff regime, which will likely mean higher input costs for geothermal producers on materials like steel. Another is the new restrictions on tax credits established in the One Big Beautiful Bill Act, which penalize companies with supply chain or financial connections to so-called “foreign entities of concern,” a list of countries that includes North Korea, Iran, Russia, and most importantly in this context, China.
While the exact nexus between China and geothermal is not entirely clear, “there are parts of geothermal technologies, such as pressure valves and drill casings and well casings and the like, that are not unique to geothermal that are very much part of the fracking industry that could be exposed to Chinese investment or Chinese supply contracts,” Advait Arun, senior associate for energy finance at the Center for Public Enterprise, told me.
There’s also the issue of getting next-generation geothermal projects financed. While geothermal companies themselves are able to raise money from investors — Sage Geosystems raised a $17 million series A round last year, for instance, while XGS, a closed-loop geothermal startup, raised $13 million — getting normal project financing from banks and other traditional entities is more of a challenge compared to mature technologies like fracking for oil and gas.
“There was and remains an inherent risk in traditional hydrothermal that the financial community has been very aware of,” Project InnerSpace’s Nelson told me — that is, the scarcity of existing underground water resources. Next-generation geothermal could hopefully see less risk, though, because developers aren’t not searching for a particular reservoir of steam or fluid.
“Getting the financial community to understand that there’s far less risk there is an important piece of it,” Nelson added.
Industry estimates put conventional geothermal’s levelized cost between $64 and $106 per megawatt-hour, while the DOE has estimated that first of a kind of enhanced geothermal comes in at around $200 per megawatt-hour. Compare that to between $38 and $78 for solar, the fastest-growing source of new zero-carbon energy, and between $48 and $107 for natural gas, and you’ll see a challenge to be overcome.
The Biden administration’s goal was to drive next-generation geothermal costs down to $45 per megawatt-hour by 2035. Project InnerSpace projects that “enhanced geothermal can achieve an $88 per megawatt-hour levelized cost of energy” using first of a kind technology, assuming the project can access the investment tax credit and assuming some technologies of scale and efficiencies, which would make it competitive with many other non-carbon power sources. Those costs could come down to “between $50 and $60 per megawatt-hour” by 2035.
At that level, according to the IEA, geothermal would be “one of the cheapest dispatchable sources of low-emissions electricity, on a par or below hydro, nuclear and bioenergy,” and “would also be highly competitive with solar PV and wind paired with battery storage.”
Yes, so it would seem. As Carnegie Endowment researchers have pointed out, these levelized cost projections may not reflect the true value of geothermal. Key to geothermal’s appeal is its dispatchability, not dependent on the weather, and can be turned on or off or ramped up and down as needed.
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Early signs point to a rough election for AI infrastructure.
We’ve seen enough: If this was the data center election, it was a really bad night for the industry.
Democratic campaigns and their affiliated Super PACs spent bigly on data center-themed attack ads. The ads came in various flavors. Some ads painted a vote for tax cuts as aiding data center developers. Others brought up candidates’ previous support for data centers or stock the candidate may have held in the tech industry or AI infrastructure developers. As Election Day approached, the data center industry sought to bat back claims that their sector’s poor reputation with the electorate would sway the results. People may have soured on their industry, they argued, but people weren’t going to vote based on that position.
Results are still coming in, but so far congressional races heavily featuring these data center attacks are heavily going in Democrats’ favor. In addition, these races have so profoundly shifted that it’ll be challenging for the industry to argue they played no role in the outcome.
Some of the most illustrative examples are obvious. In Georgia, Democrat Keisha Lance Bottoms campaigned on a statewide data center moratorium and won control of the governor’s mansion, becoming the first black woman to ever lead a U.S. state. Similar results in Ohio where Amy Acton flipped party control of the governor’s seat with a campaign that included going hard against data centers. In Pennsylvania, two Democrats who focused on data centers in their races have flipped Republican districts: Scranton mayor Paige Cognetti and firefighter Bob Brooks. In New Jersey, Cape May mayor Zack Mullock rode data center attacks to defeat Rep. Jeff Van Drew, the biggest opponent of the offshore wind industry. In Virginia, Democrat Shannon Taylor rode data center-laden attacks to take control of the Richmond area congressional seat from Rep. Rob Wittman.
If you’re arguing this election was decided by data centers, your best proof point: Democrat Gina Hinojosa has taken control of the governor's mansion in Texas, defeating incumbent Greg Abbott, who’d sought recently to take a hard line against the industry. Hinojosa ran on going further, calling to pass a law completely pausing data center development across one of the industry’s favorite states. She won a decisive victory. So did Democratic Texas Agriculture Commissioner candidate Clayton Tucker, who I explained months ago became one of anti-data center Facebook’s favorite online personalities.
But it makes sense that data centers would matter a lot in Texas, which could be compared to Virginia in terms of their buildout. When you inspect the election results more closely, they tell a more complicated story about the upper boundaries of these data center attacks.
For decades, Greenville and Spartanburg County have been GOP vote strongholds and reliable for both Republican congressional candidates and statewide campaigns. The congressional district gave Donald Trump at least a 20-point cushion in the 2024 presidential election, according to Decision Desk HQ. Last week, I explained for subscribers to The Fight how Courtney McClain, a novice candidate living one mile from a controversial data center proposal, was running against incumbent Rep. William Timmons. I couldn’t find much in the way of online ad spending on either side in this race and it’s never been on the radar of most political observers as a campaign that could somehow flip party control. But the data center debate in Spartanburg County has been immense.
Tonight, Timmons kept his ordinarily ruby red district by slim single digits after running even for most of the night. But this swing was essentially the same as the national margin. And because Timmons didn’t lose, this actually feels like a crucial distinction – data centers were not deciding races themselves in all cases. Democrat Annie Andrews defeated Republican Darlene Graham in a result driven by Democratic overperformance and GOP underperformance in this area, but it’s challenging to tie this result to the data center issue at all. Anything from the economy and the Iran War to Graham’s deceased brother and his baggage could be blamed for this result from this heavily evangelical region.
However, it will be challenging for the data center sector to differentiate themselves from this outcome, especially since a pro-data center Super PAC – Building the Future – publicly waded into the race in support of Graham only to lose. “Darlene Graham’s loss is a black eye for the data center industry,” wrote Teddy Schleifer of The New York Times on election night.
The same story played out in Georgia’s 1st district, which includes the city of Savannah. OpenAI is developing a controversial data center project in Effingham County, northwest of Savannah and the congressional race – which like South Carolina’s 4th had comparatively little spending – has been chock full of data center mudslinging, with the Democrat Amanda Hollowell calling for broader moratoria on development.
Effingham County went for Trump by almost 50 points in 2024. As of this story’s publication, the Republican, Jim Kingston, is winning by a single percentage point with 93% of the vote in. Most of what’s left is in Effington. Should this candidate win, it’s safe to say it’s because voters in this county looked past data centers, or did not link their vote for a national candidate to the local development.
On Election Night, Effingham County formally tabled any decision on the OpenAI data center. So at least on the ground level, people are paying close attention to these results.
After taking two seats in a special election last year, the party gained a third in the midterms.
Democrats claimed two seats on the Georgia Public Service Commission in a special election last year, ending almost 20 years of unanimous Republican control over the regulator.
One of those winning Democrats, Peter Hubbard, ran again this year for a full six-year term in a rematch against Republican Fitz Johnson. The other open seat this year saw Sheila Edwards running in an open race against Republican Josh Tolbert.
Both Hubbard and Edwads won, securing a 3–2 Democratic majority on the Public Service Commission.
“Over the last 12 months, Georgian consumers have made one thing clear: They are tired of rising utility bills and they are hungry to see change. Georgia’s sea change moment for energy policy has arrived,” Charles Hua, the executive director of the utility-focused advocacy group PowerLines, told me.
The Democrats have not been shy about what their priorities will be on the commission.
“Winning control of the Georgia Public Service Commission means prioritizing lowering power bills instead of constantly increasing corporate profits, ramping up the deployment of clean energy technologies, and focusing the people in our decision-making as state regulators,” Hubbard said in a statement on his website.
Edwards, for her part, made it clear where she stands on data centers specifically in an October debate with Tolbert. “They came into our communities,” Edwards said. “They didn’t pay any taxes. They are using our water, using our electricity, and they’re being a public nuisance to the communities that they’re coming into.”
Hubbard also talked about data centers on Heatmap’s Shift Key podcast back in June. “I advocate for a whole-of-government approach, because while the Public Service Commission really only has oversight over the power side of things — where that power comes from and how much data centers are paying on their tariff — there’s much larger issues in terms of water use, in terms of the tax incentives,” he told my colleague Robinson Meyer. “The estimate is $3.5 billion in tax abatements this year in Georgia, uncollected revenue that data centers otherwise would be willing to pay.”
The race has seen outsize spending and interest from major figures not accustomed to dealing in utility regulator races. (Just 10 states have elected utility commissions, period.) Kamala Harris appeared at a virtual fundraiser for the Democratic candidates in Georgia, as well as Democratic hopefuls to the Arizona Corporation Commission. The solar energy industry spent hundreds of thousands of dollars in support of the Democrats in Georgia. Meanwhile, anonymous donors pumped millions of dollars into Tolbert’s bid.
Democrats swept into the Georgia PSC last year on a wave of dissatisfaction with rising electricity prices, especially rate hikes attached to the construction of two new nuclear reactors at the Vogtle Electric Generating Plant, which ran years behind schedule and billions of dollars over budget. In the runup to the election, the PSC approved a three-year base rate freeze proposed by Georgia Power in an attempt to head off public dissatisfaction.
In the past year, rates in Georgia have gone up by less than 1% across the state on average, according to the Heatmap-MIT Electricity Price Hub, while rates are up over 18% in the last three years and over 6% in the past two years.
Shares in Southern Company, the parent company of Georgia Power, were down slightly more than 0.5% in after-hours trading Tuesday night.
Restoring renewable tax credits and investigating Energy Department funding cuts are on the table.
The United States is set for a divided government for the first time since Donald Trump’s return to the White House last year. Voters across the country overwhelmingly cast ballots for Democrats, handily securing the party’s control of both the House of Representatives and the Senate. The victory came hours before polls closed in the nation’s westernmost reaches as Democrats flipped seats held by the GOP for decades in states such as Georgia, South Carolina, and Texas.
It was a seismic national shift to the left, spurred in no small part by voters’ opposition to infrastructure supporting artificial intelligence and anger over rising gas and electricity prices, particularly since Trump launched a war on Iran.
In an election widely seen as a referendum on Trump, Democrats trained their fire on the administration’s energy policies. Those include its moves to eliminate landmark climate regulations, its oversight of the U.S. buildout of data centers, its legally dubious deals to kill offshore wind farms, and repeals or redirections of funding for decarbonization.
Much of what the next Congress focuses on when it comes to energy policy hinges on what happens with the Bipartisan American Affordability and Jobs Act, the permitting reform bill that has dominated Washington dealmaking discussions since the Senate unveiled the legislation at the end of September.
But key provisions in two of the most significant energy laws enacted in the past six decades — the Infrastructure Investment and Jobs Act of 2021, better known as the Bipartisan Infrastructure Law, and the Energy Act of 2020 — have either expired or are set to lapse next year. Reauthorizing the bipartisan measures in both laws will offer a new, Democrat-led Congress the chance to push legislative priorities such as bringing back key subsidies for renewables in a bid to rebalance the country’s energy future following Trump’s AI-fueled gas bonanza. Candidates who flipped districts that previously voted for Trump also vowed to crack down on data centers, which strongly suggests that the party will back legislation to curb the artificial intelligence buildout.
Among the top policies Democrats plan to champion next year on clean energy is the restoration of the investment and production tax credits for wind and solar, which Republicans axed in their signature budget bill last summer.
“There’s broad recognition and an active effort by Democrats to reinstate many things done away with in the One Big Beautiful Bill Act,” Evan Chapman, a former Democratic staffer on the Hill who now serves as the senior director of policy at the think tank Clean Tomorrow, told me.
Bringing back the electric vehicle tax credit? Not so much. The provision in the 2022 Inflation Reduction Act gave a far larger write-off for cars made with batteries manufactured with domestically-produced minerals, giving a much-needed boost to U.S. miners. Yet the policy proved difficult to defend against populist anger over its benefits tilting largely toward wealthy drivers who bought electric vehicles as a second or third car.
The EV tax credit was another OBBBA casualty. Without that market signal, it seemed unlikely that all the decades-long mining and minerals projects proposed in the U.S. would find investors, illustrating what my colleague Matthew Zeitlin last year called the “paradox of Trump’s critical mineral crusade.”
But a battery boom is underway nevertheless, as large, standalone lithium-ion packs increasingly patch onto the grid to balance out supply over time, particularly in markets that generate a lot more solar and wind during the day than anyone can use.
“Batteries generally are an area of more and more confluence every day between Democrats and Republicans,” a source with direct knowledge of Democrats’ thinking who spoke on condition of anonymity to speak bluntly told me. “It’s unclear what anyone wants to do. Republicans don’t want to do more EV tax credits, but it could be a battery production tax credit that’s technology neutral.”
Asked whether such a policy could win GOP support, James Dozier, the chief executive of the Republican climate group Citizens for Responsible Energy Solutions, told me that anything that would boost domestic mineralsrepresented an area of broad agreement between the two parties. The Trump administration has strongly supported domestic mining and mineral processing as China retaliated against the president’s trade war by cutting off supplies of metals needed for weapons and batteries.
“Battery technology should be invested in,” he said.
Other bipartisan priorities with a high likelihood of legislative success include federal funding for or regulatory changes to make it easier to deploy geothermal energy, fusion, and nuclear fission.
Another top issue is the expansion of the Department of Health and Human Service’s Low Income Home Energy Assistance Program. Known as LIHEAP, the roughly $4 billion program provides funding to poor Americans struggling to pay utility bills in the winter. The program, administered through states, also funds home renovations to better insulate drafty houses and lower bills, offering a key tool to make good on Democrats’ promises to help rein in soaring utility costs. While Trump has proposed eliminating the program’s funding almost entirely, Congress ultimately added $20 million to LIHEAP’s budget in the last cycle.
The Democratic caucus is poised to include far-left hardliners such as New York’s Darializa Avila Chevalier, whose energy proposals range from a nationwide ban on data centers to calling on the federal government to take ownership stakes in more wind and solar projects. But the larger the Democratic majority, the less power the ideologues on the fringes can wield, Josh Freed, who heads the energy and climate program at the centrist Third Way think tank, told me.
“If Democrats get anywhere close to 230 seats, there’s going to be both a much bigger bloc of New Democrats and moderate Blue Dogs than there is in this Congress,” Freed said. “You’re going to see an agenda much more oriented around delivery and affordability than anything that’s more ideologically rooted.”
For example, he said, progressives may push for a national moratorium on data centers or a freeze on utility rates. “Those are things that won’t pass, but that you might see a handful of members who have a lot of leverage in a very narrow House try to move forward, along with Medicare for All and other issues that are dealing with energy,” Freed said. “But the more seats Democrats have, the more seats you’ll have that represent rural, energy-producing, and blue-collar constituencies. It’s going to be a much more all-of-the-above focus.”
The potential to pass bipartisan policies through a divided government over the next two years doesn’t mean it’s all kumbaya on the energy and climate front. Newly-enthroned Democratic committee chairs in the House are expected to hold hearings and open probes into a variety of actions by the Trump administration.
Few cuts at the Department of Energy stung quite as painfully as the Trump administration’s decision to terminate the Industrial Demonstrations Program, a $6.3 billion initiative designed to help commercialize emerging technologies to clean up heavy industry. The program funded 29 projects in its initial round, but former officials told me last year that just three looked likely to survive the Trump administration’s cuts. Meanwhile, the Chinese government expanded its own version of the program to more than 100 projects. Expect Democrats to start asking questions.
The billions of dollars in deals the Trump administration has promised to companies that surrender their federal leases for offshore wind projects are already facing legal challenges as states such as New York and California advance lawsuits. These policies are also poised for congressional oversight.
Likewise, the Energy Department’s effort to redirect federal spending earmarked to support decarbonization is ripe for a probe by Democrats. Specifically, lawmakers are expected to query the agency’s use of a $500 million grant to steelmaker Cleveland-Cliffs to support the relining of a coal-fired blast furnace at its Ohio mill rather than the construction of cleaner iron-making equipment at the plant.
One more area set to draw scrutiny is Trump’s move to bring previously independent agencies — the Nuclear Regulatory Commission and the Federal Energy Regulatory Commission — under direct White House control.
“There’s going to be a lot more demand that these independent agencies regain their independence,” Paul Dickman, a former nuclear regulator who served in the George W. Bush and Obama administrations, told me. “Be that FERC, be that the NRC.”
In a statement late Tuesday night, the Sierra Club said its members had “organized, phonebanked, and knocked doors for these candidates up and down the ballot,” and now expected Democrats to “take ambitious action for the climate and our democracy.” The latter, the group made clear, meant going after the White House.
“They must hold the Trump administration accountable for its corruption and unlawful attempts to sacrifice the health and safety of our communities,” Sierra Club Executive Director Loren Blackford said, “and invest in a clean energy future for all of us.”
Editor’s note: This story has been updated to reflect the change in Senate control.