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Toyota’s electric Hilux prototype has debuted in Thailand. It would be a hit in the United States.
My wife drove one of the last great little trucks. The 2000 Toyota Tacoma had no extended cab and no frills, just a bench seat and a short bed to shuttle her stuff back and forth from L.A. to Berkeley. To no one’s surprise, it still runs. We just moved a loveseat in it this weekend.
That kind of two-door utilitarian pickup, which was commonplace in the heyday of the Chevy S-10 and Ford Ranger, is critically endangered in the era of supersized F-150s and Ram 1500s. And the new EVs in the truck space are predictably big. Toyota, though, just revealed an electrified version of the simple little truck: the Hilux REVO EV, an updated, modernized version of my wife’s classic two-door.
I want it. It is in Southeast Asia.
“Why can’t we have this in America” is a familiar refrain in the automotive world. It’s been especially fitting in the last couple of decades, as the American car market consolidated around big trucks and crossovers, the only vehicles that sell en masse. Other countries get station wagons, hatchbacks, tiny city cars, small pickup trucks, and other shapes that make enthusiasts swoon, but don’t reach the U.S. market because they don’t sell in high volume here. (You can’t just buy one and import it, either, because of the United States’s 25-year rule.)
The Hilux is a perfect example. Toyota’s global truck is the world’s workhorse, selling countless numbers in countries where a pickup is meant to be a beater, not a cushy family car that happens to have a bed in the back. The Hilux is notoriously dependable and serviceable. Parts are easy to find since so many of these things exist around the world. You just can’t buy one in the United States, where, since the 1990s, Toyota has sold the larger, comfier Tacoma to compete with the monster trucks on American roads.
Toyota showed off the Hilux REVO EV last month in Thailand, one of the biggest markets for the traditional gas-powered Hilux. The truck is a one-off concept that engineers from Toyota Thailand built using the brand’s EV parts. While the demo is far from becoming a production vehicle, it’s an interesting move by Toyota. The world’s largest automaker has been conspicuously slow in electrification, allowing the other legacy car companies to make their big EV splashes first. Toyota President Akio Toyoda has said more than once that the car industry has put the cart before the horse with electrification, and that Toyota will not race to produce EVs until it is confident the infrastructure those EVs need is in place.
When that infrastructure is in place, Toyota will be in position to offer the world the battery-powered small pickup of my dreams. Here in America, the brand’s eventual EV truck offering is liable to be a much bigger boy. But are we really sure a smaller EV truck can’t succeed here?
To American drivers lusting after the small trucks available overseas, the car companies had a ready-made reply: Sorry, but the numbers don’t lie. Full-size pickups are the best-selling vehicles in America. By comparison, compact trucks aren’t worth the effort. Ford’s mid-size Maverick is a success story, but its sales still can’t hold a candle to the more than 500,000 F-150s and Silverados sold in America each year.
The legacy carmakers thought they could replicate the same dynamic to spur America’s transition to EVs. The Ford F-150 Lightning is available, and the electrified Chevy, Ram, and GMC full-size trucks are coming soon to form the vanguard of Detroit’s big EV push. But it’s not clear the old rules hold true in the new world. Full-size truck owners say they are troublingly unwilling to consider buying an EV as their next pickup. The people who do buy EVs trend urban and Democratic, the kind of people more likely to drive a Honda Civic than a Ram 1500.
In other words, the EV market — at least for now — doesn’t look a lot like the overall American auto market. And maybe that’s an opportunity for the forsaken car shapes to stage a comeback. Chevrolet looked like it would kill off the plucky Bolt to make way for electrified SUVs and trucks. Amid steep headwinds in that effort, the brand says the Bolt is coming back.
A reasonably sized pickup truck could be just the ticket for the urban dwellers who are actually interested in buying EVs. The pickups available now, the Rivian R1T and Ford F-150 Lightning, are simply too much truck for a lot of people. Their huge batteries can deliver a ton of power — just ask actor Alan Ruck, who crashed his into a Hollywood pizzeria last week. As much as I lust after the Rivian when I see one around Los Angeles, I couldn’t get it into my parking space. You know what would fit in there? The Hilux EV.
My wish is that the EV revolution sets the pickup free. The sovereignty of the oversized truck is tied to its capability, sure, but also its status as a market of tribal membership. Country songs name-drop Chevy Silverados for a reason, and lots of people who wouldn’t dare get mud on their boots own a King Ranch. Given that trucks skew right, and EVs still skew left, the EV truck exists in a liminal political space. Perhaps that’s enough to redefine the form, and make the electrified pickup about practicality more than posturing.
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And more of this week’s top renewable energy fights across the country.
1. Otsego County, Michigan – The Mitten State is proving just how hard it can be to build a solar project in wooded areas. Especially once Fox News gets involved.
2. Atlantic County, New Jersey – Opponents of offshore wind in Atlantic City are trying to undo an ordinance allowing construction of transmission cables that would connect the Atlantic Shores offshore wind project to the grid.
3. Benton County, Washington – Sorry Scout Clean Energy, but the Yakima Nation is coming for Horse Heaven.
Here’s what else we’re watching right now…
In Connecticut, officials have withdrawn from Vineyard Wind 2 — leading to the project being indefinitely shelved.
In Indiana, Invenergy just got a rejection from Marshall County for special use of agricultural lands.
In Kansas, residents in Dickinson County are filing legal action against county commissioners who approved Enel’s Hope Ridge wind project.
In Kentucky, a solar project was actually approved for once – this time for the East Kentucky Power Cooperative.
In North Carolina, Davidson County is getting a solar moratorium.
In Pennsylvania, the town of Unity rejected a solar project. Elsewhere in the state, the developer of the Newton 1 solar project is appealing their denial.
In South Carolina, a state appeals court has upheld the rejection of a 2,300 acre solar project proposed by Coastal Pine Solar.
In Washington State, Yakima County looks like it’ll keep its solar moratorium in place.
And more of this week’s top policy news around renewables.
1. Trump’s Big Promise – Our nation’s incoming president is now saying he’ll ban all wind projects on Day 1, an expansion of his previous promise to stop only offshore wind.
2. The Big Nuclear Lawsuit – Texas and Utah are suing to kill the Nuclear Regulatory Commission’s authority to license small modular reactors.
3. Biden’s parting words – The Biden administration has finished its long-awaited guidance for the IRA’s tech-neutral electricity credit (which barely changed) and hydrogen production credit.
A conversation with J. Timmons Roberts, executive director of Brown University’s Climate Social Science Network
This week’s interview is with Brown University professor J. Timmons Roberts. Those of you familiar with the fight over offshore wind may not know Roberts by name, but you’re definitely familiar with his work: He and his students have spearheaded some of the most impactful research conducted on anti-offshore wind opposition networks. This work is a must-read for anyone who wants to best understand how the anti-renewables movement functions and why it may be difficult to stop it from winning out.
So with Trump 2.0 on the verge of banning offshore wind outright, I decided to ask Roberts what he thinks developers should be paying attention to at this moment. The following interview has been lightly edited for clarity.
Is the anti-renewables movement a political force the country needs to reckon with?
Absolutely. In my opinion it’s been unfortunate for the environmental groups, the wind development, the government officials, climate scientists – they’ve been unwilling to engage directly with those groups. They want to keep a very positive message talking about the great things that come with wind and solar. And they’ve really left the field open as a result.
I think that as these claims sit there unrefuted and naive people – I don’t mean naive in a negative sense but people who don’t know much about this issue – are only hearing the negative spin about renewables. It’s a big problem.
When you say renewables developers aren’t interacting here – are you telling me the wind industry is just letting these people run roughshod?
I’ve seen no direct refutation in those anti-wind Facebook groups, and there’s very few environmentalists or others. People are quite afraid to go in there.
But even just generally. This vast network you’ve tracked – have you seen a similar kind of counter mobilization on the part of those who want to build these wind farms offshore?
There’s some mobilization. There’s something called the New England for Offshore Wind coalition. There’s some university programs. There’s some other oceanographic groups, things like that.
My observation is that they’re mostly staff organizations and they’re very cautious. They’re trying to work as a coalition. And they’re going as slow as their most cautious member.
As someone who has researched these networks, what are you watching for in the coming year? Under the first year of Trump 2.0?
Yeah I mean, channeling my optimistic and Midwestern dad, my thought is that there may be an overstepping by the Trump administration and by some of these activists. The lack of viable alternative pathways forward and almost anti-climate approaches these groups are now a part of can backfire for them. Folks may say, why would I want to be supportive of your group if you’re basically undermining everything I believe in?
What do you think developers should know about the research you have done into these networks?
I think it's important for deciding bodies and the public, the media and so on, to know who they’re hearing when they hear voices at a public hearing or in a congressional field hearing. Who are the people representing? Whose voice are they advancing?
It’s important for these actors that want to advance action on climate change and renewables to know what strategies and the tactics are being used and also know about the connections.
One of the things you pointed out in your research is that, yes, there are dark money groups involved in this movement and there are outside figures involved, but a lot of this sometimes is just one person posts something to the internet and then another person posts something to the internet.
Does that make things harder when it comes to addressing the anti-renewables movement?
Absolutely. Social media’s really been devastating for developing science and informed, rational public policymaking. It’s so easy to create a conspiracy and false information and very slanted, partial information to shoot holes at something as big as getting us off of fossil fuels.
Our position has developed as we understand that indeed these are not just astro-turf groups created by some far away corporation but there are legitimate concerns – like fishing, where most of it is based on certainty – and then there are these sensationalized claims that drive fears. That fear is real. And it’s unfortunate.
Anything else you’d really like to tell our readers?
I didn’t really choose this topic. I feel like it really got me. It was me and four students sitting in my conference room down the hall and I said, have you heard about this group that just started here in Rhode Island that’s making these claims we should investigate? And students were super excited about it and have really been the leaders.