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Comparing data from the Electricity Price Hub with analysis from Heatmap Pro reveals a complicated story.

The timing was terrible. In December, just as the Canadian developer Hut 8 was preparing to ask regulators in a rural county of central Illinois to rezone an open stretch of land to make way for a data center, Americans’ support for the computing infrastructure expansion was plummeting, with voters blaming the big tech projects for driving up electricity costs.
The optics turned out to be even worse. The location Hut 8 selected was right next to the local electricity substation, making it easy to see the project as an industrial parasite glugging down electricity at the source and letting what remained trickle out to Logan County’s roughly 28,000 residents. When the county held a public hearing on the rezoning proposal in January, 250 residents showed up in protest and repeatedly cited the data center’s potential location next to the substation.
“It immediately raised red flags. You can picture this massive thing sitting next to the substation, sucking up all the power before it gets to the community,” Charlie Clynes, a data analyst for Heatmap Pro who has tracked the project, told me. “Obviously that’s not exactly how things work, but the imagery there was arresting.”
It also wasn’t entirely off base. Data center development can hike electricity bills in a variety ways, including by stressing existing generation resources and by demanding costly new infrastructure buildouts. Data from Heatmap and MIT’s Electricity Price Hub shows that the price of electricity in the county may, indeed, have played a role in hiking prices enough to spur a movement against the project: Between 2020 and 2026, generation costs roughly doubled.
Scenes like the one in Logan County are playing out across the country as the advent of artificial intelligence coincides with rising electricity prices and threatens to create a demand crisis.
But opposition to AI doesn’t always correlate with rising electricity prices.
Logan County earned a score of 69 on Heatmap Pro’s data center opposition index, which incorporates everything from real-world project outcomes to about 100 input variables, including economic, demographic, and geographic characteristics to quantify the likelihood that a project will face pushback in a given area. Nearly 70 might sound high, but it puts Logan County just outside the 100 counties most opposed to data center development.
In Botetourt County, Virginia, which topped the data center opposition index with a score of 101, residents are engaged in an active fight against a planned Google data center. Data from the Electricity Price Hub shows that the cost of generation surged 45% from 2020 to 2026, transmission spiked 29%, and distribution surged roughly 90%. The broad category of “other” — a category that includes miscellaneous expenses such as taxes, regulatory fees, insurance, and payroll (as Heatmap’s Jeva Lange explained here) — rocketed up by more than 104%. But here’s the rub: Botetourtians cite water usage as a top concern about data center development, not necessarily electricity prices.
In Bartow County, Georgia, which tied with Rogers County, Oklahoma, for second place on the index, generating costs rose by more than a third from 2020 to 2026, from $0.07 per kilowatt-hour to $0.09, leading to a total bill increase of nearly 30%. (You can find out more on the difference between electricity prices and bills from my colleague Emily Pontecorvo.) Rogers County, similarly, saw a roughly 50% spike in generation costs and an increase in transmission and distribution costs of more than a third each.
Hendricks County, Indiana, where residents unsuccessfully battled to stop a 600-megawatt AI data center from coming to fruition, came in ninth place on Heatmap Pro’s opposition index. Sure enough, the data shows a roughly 140% surge in distribution costs on ratepayers’ bills from 2020 and 2026, from $0.10 to $0.30 per kilowatt-hour.
In Cass County, Michigan, by contrast, distribution costs ticked up only slightly in recent years. Yet the county, which ranked seventh on the opposition index, is facing fierce opposition to a 340-megawatt AI data center proposed in the area, highlighting the inconsistent role electricity prices play in opposition movements.
Heatmap Pro also tracks opposition to renewables development, which is often the cheapest and fastest way to add power to the grid amid surging demand. The top of the list is a 63-way tie, mostly involving counties in the Central and Upper Midwest.
Then there’s Somerset County in Maine, which has been home to various utility-scale wind and solar developments in recent years. The cost of distributing power there has roughly doubled for customers of the three utilities serving the county, from $0.35 per kilowatt-hour at the start of 2020 to more than $0.63 by this January. Many Mainers blamed the state’s renewable energy goals for the spike in prices, but price hub data confirms the conclusions of a report from The Brattle Group released in February, which blamed the state’s reliance on natural gas, as well as the cost of repairs and upgrades to an aging grid.
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On offshore mining, New Jersey’s offshore wind, and China’s oil breakthrough
Current conditions: Severe thunderstorms are pummeling the Mississippi Valley, particularly in Arkansas • Heavy rain has deluged much of the Somali capital of Mogadishu • Temperatures in the northern Indian state of Uttar Pradesh are reaching 110 degrees Fahrenheit.

Let’s, for a moment, recast The Simpsons’ role in nuclear energy discourse. Rather than fearmongering with a pseudoscientific depiction of fission energy, imagine if that sign in the scene from the opening credits that reads “days without an accident” instead tracked how long it’s been since the United States started work on building newer, sleeker, and more efficient reactors. Until last week, the sign would have clocked 4,539 days — 13 years since construction began on the AP1000 reactor known as Plant Vogtle’s Unit 4. But last Friday, the next-generation reactor startup Kairos Power broke ground on its demonstration plant in Tennessee. Then this week, the Bill Gates-founded reactor company TerraPower started construction on its debut power plant in Wyoming. “This isn’t a test reactor,” Chris Levesque, president and chief executive of TerraPower, told The Wall Street Journal. “This is a grid-scale nuclear reactor that will be built in 42 months.” While there’s plenty of ambition to build more reactors in the U.S., the country has a very, very long way to go to even catch up with China’s actual construction output.
California won’t be the site of any new plants anytime soon, at least until the state lifts its legislative ban on building new reactors. But keeping the state’s last operating nuclear station, Diablo Canyon, running from 2030 to 2045 could offer net savings of capital and operating costs totaling more than $7.6 billion, or more than $500 million per year of continued operations, according to a new analysis by the Massachusetts Institute of Technology’s Center for Energy and Environmental Policy Research. The savings “more than double when calculated relative to the current portfolio of alternatives mandated” in a state bill that lays out the renewable energy options for meeting Sacramento’s 2045 climate goals. “In that case,” the report states, “the total present value of savings for extending the life of” the plant “exceeds $20 billion, or more than $1.3 billion per year.”
If the Trump administration achieves its goal of siring a nuclear renaissance, we’re going to need a lot more reactor fuel than we currently have available. Much of that supply has come in recent years from Russia, but a U.S. law will fully ban imports in 2028. Both the Biden and Trump administrations have lavished funding on fuel enrichers. But on Thursday, the Department of Energy tapped a new tool: the Defense Production Act, the once-obscure Korean War-era statute that gives the federal government more powers to direct manufacturing. Under a newly launched Nuclear Fuel Cycle Consortium, the agency assembled representatives of more than 90 companies in the nuclear industrial base to “address all facets of the nuclear fuel supply chain including milling, conversion, enrichment, deconversion, fabrication, recycling, and reprocessing.” The Energy Department also kicked off a campaign it’s calling “Nuclear Dominance — 3 by 33.” The program aims by 2033 to “catalyze a secure and cost competitive domestic fuel supply chain,” speed up deployment of advanced reactors and reprocessing facilities, and find ways to use the DPA to speed up the buildout.
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The Department of the Interior is creating a new office called the Marine Minerals Administration to manage oil drilling and seabed mining in America’s territorial waters. The new office, formed by reunifying two offices that had been split up after the 2010 Deepwater Horizon oil spill, threatens to weaken the environmental oversight of both the traditional oil and gas industry and the emerging mining sector. The move is “worrisome because it has the potential of bringing things back where they were, where there was this inherent conflict of interest between promotion of offshore oil and gas, and oversight safety,” Donald Boesch, emeritus professor at the University of Maryland Center for Environmental Science, told The New York Times. On Wednesday, Secretary of the Interior Doug Burgum said “these unification efforts will streamline bureaucracy.”
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The New Jersey Board of Public Utilities has canceled the agreement it reached with PJM Interconnection in 2021 to develop wires and substations needed to send electricity from offshore wind turbines across the state. The board terminated the deal, Heatmap’s Jael Holzman wrote, “because much of New Jersey’s expected offshore wind capacity has either been canceled by developers or indefinitely stalled by President Donald Trump.” Despite soaring electricity prices, “New Jersey is now facing a situation in which there will be no identified, large-scale in-state generation projects under active development that can make use of [the agreement] on the timeline the state and PJM initially envisioned,” the board wrote in a letter to PJM requesting termination of the agreement. Newly-inaugurated Governor Mikie Sherrill has vowed to build new nuclear capacity in the state. As I wrote earlier this month, New Jersey became the latest state to lift its ban on new atomic energy plants.
Heatmap House kicked off San Francisco Climate Week with a day of conversations and roundtables with leading policymakers, executives, and investors. Two talks in particular are worth highlighting.
China is going all in on hydrogen as Beijing seeks ways to free itself from imported fossil fuels. Now the Dalian Institute of Chemical Physics has announced a facility in Xinjiang to use 1.5 gigawatts of wind power to produce green hydrogen mixed with an engineered material in a slurry bed reactor to transform solid asphalt into synthetic crude oil. If successful, the new process would allow China to import heavy oil and asphalt very cheaply from Central Asia and convert it into crude oil, the technology blogger TP Huang wrote on X, adding: “China is continuing work to turn crap into useful energy source by applying green electricity derivatives in its bid for energy independence.”
Co-founder Mateo Jaramillo described how the startup’s iron-air battery could help address the data center boom — and the energy transition
Well before the introduction of ChatGPT and Claude, Ireland underwent a data center construction boom similar to the one the U.S. is experiencing today.
That makes it a fitting location for Form Energy’s first project outside the U.S. Mateo Jaramillo, the CEO of the long-duration energy storage startup, described Ireland as “a postcard from the future” at Heatmap House, a day of conversations and roundtables with leading policymakers, executives, and investors at San Francisco Climate Week.
In a one-on-one interview with Robinson Meyer, Jaramillo went on to explain the potential of a 100-hour battery, calling it the duration at which you can “functionally replace thermal resources on the grid or compete with them.” Such storage capacity would not only bolster data centers’ power reliability but also speed up the transition from oil and gas to renewables.
Form Energy, which Jaramillo co-founded in 2017, is best known for its iron-air battery that can continuously discharge energy for 100 hours. In February, the startup announced a partnership with Google and the utility Xcel Energy to build the highest-capacity battery in the world, capable of storing 30 gigawatt-hours of energy, as Heatmap’s Katie Brigham reported.
Despite the troublesome state of renewables deployment in the U.S., energy storage firms like Form appear to be doing well, thanks to record load growth. “When we founded the company, we didn’t anticipate the boom of data center demand that we’re currently experiencing,” said Jaramillo. “But we did bet on the overall mega-trend being pretty firmly in place, which is electricity growth.”
In addition to load growth, battery manufacturers are still benefiting from the Inflation Reduction Act’s energy storage tax credits, which survived the deep cuts Republicans made to the signature climate law last summer. Jaramillo noted that customers can still claim a tax credit for purchasing energy systems, while a manufacturing protection credit also remains in place. “We absolutely qualify for both those things,” Jaramillo said. “In fact, 100 hours as a duration is written into the legislative text for the manufacturing [tax credit].”
Though batteries can help accelerate the retirement of natural gas plants by providing firm energy to supplement renewables’ generation, politicians’ fear of load growth seems to have forged a bipartisan consensus supporting batteries. For its part, Form Energy is focused on continuing to drive down the cost of its iron-air battery.
From “where we sit today,” Form Energy is “quite confident that we will hit that roughly $20 a kilowatt-hour cost within a very short period of time,” Jaramillo said.
At San Francisco Climate Week, John Reynolds discussed how the state is juggling wildfire prevention, climate goals, and more.
Blessed with ample sun and wind for renewables but bedeviled by high electricity prices and natural disasters, California encapsulates the promise and peril of the United States’ energy transition.
So it was fitting that Heatmap House, a day of conversations and roundtables with leading policymakers, executives, and investors at San Francisco Climate Week, kicked off with John Reynolds, president of the California Public Utilities Commission.
The CPUC oversees the most-populous state’s utilities and has the power to approve or veto electricity and natural gas rate increases. At Heatmap House, Reynolds — “one of California’'s most important climate policymakers,” as Heatmap’s Robinson Meyer called him — affirmed that affordability has been top of mind as power bills have risen to become a mainstream political issue across the country. California’s electricity prices are the second-highest in the nation, behind only Hawaii, according to the Electricity Price Hub.
“I’d really like to see us drive down the portion of household income that is consumed by energy prices,” Reynolds said in a one-on-one interview with Rob. “That’s a really important metric for making sure that we’re doing our job to deliver a system that’s efficient at meeting customer needs and is able to support the growth of our economy.”
The Golden State’s power premium has been exacerbated by the fallout from multiple wildfires that have devastated various parts of the state in recent years, which have necessitated costly grid upgrades such as undergrounding power lines. California-based utility PG&E has also invested in more futuristic fire solutions such as “vegetation management robots, power pole sensors, advanced fire detection cameras, and autonomous drones, with much of this enhanced by an artificial intelligence-powered analytics platforms,” as Heatmap’s Katie Brigham wrote shortly after last year’s fires in Los Angeles.
Affordability affects not just Californians’ financial wellbeing, but also the state’s ability to decarbonize quickly. “The affordability challenge that we’re seeing in electric and gas service is one that is going to make it more difficult to meet our climate goals as a state,” Reynolds said.
One contentious — and somewhat byzantine — aspect of California’s energy transition is how much of a financial incentive the CPUC should offer for residents to install rooftop solar. Net metering is a billing system that rewards households with solar panels for sending excess generation back to the grid. Three years ago, the CPUC adopted a new standard that substantially lowered the rate at which solar panel users were compensated.
“We had to slow the bleeding,” Reynolds said, referring to the greater financial burden paid by utility customers without solar panels. “The net billing tariff did slow the bleeding, but it didn’t stop it.”
Asked whether he is focused more on electricity rates (the amount a customer pays per kilowatt-hour) or bills (the amount a utility charges a ratepayer), Reynolds said both are important.
“If we can drive down electric rates, we’re going to enable more electrification of transportation and of buildings,” Reynolds said. “It’s really important to look at bills, because that is fundamentally what hits households. People’s wallets are limited by their bills, not by their rates.”