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Tariffs and the loss of Inflation Reduction Act incentives could realign new power pricing, according to Morgan Stanley.
If you’re putting new power onto the grid right now, the cheapest option is likely solar. Thanks to years of declining equipment costs, generous federal subsidies, and voluntary renewables buyers like big technology companies, much of America’s planned future electricity generation is solar (along with battery storage). Of the 63 gigawatts planned to be added to the grid this year, the Energy Information Administration has estimated that solar will make up about half of it, while solar and storage collectively will make up over 80%.
While there’s no one single price for a megawatt-hour of any given power generation source, a good place to start are estimates from the financial advisory firm Lazard of the levelized cost of energy, which is supposed to allow comparisons between different generation sources. When Lazard put out its updated figures last summer, the average cost of utility solar was $61 per megawatt-hour. For a combined cycle natural gas plant, the most common type of gas generation, the average cost was $76.
But that math may be endangered, according to a new analysis by Morgan Stanley — to the point where solar could lose its competitive cost advantage with new natural gas.
“The cost of power generation is moving higher. The impact of tariffs and potential changes to subsidy support (i.e., IRA) will likely have an inflationary impact on the cost of power,” the analysts wrote to clients.
The team of analysts looked at the impact of both tariffs and the possible reduction or cessation of Inflation Reduction Act tax credits on utility-scale solar costs. According to Morgan Stanley’s figures, about half of the capital expenditure for a utility-scale solar project comes from the hardware, which is mostly the cost of the panels.
While some panels are produced in the United States, there are still significant imports from Southeast Asia, which currently face preliminary tariffs as high as several hundred percent. Those should become permanent later this month when the Department of Commerce completes its investigation into “dumping” by Chinese solar companies that have set up shop in the region.
The imports of these solar panels — some $10 billion in 2024, according to Tim Brightbill, a lawyer for a coalition of domestic solar manufacturers who are pursuing the anti-dumping case — “undercut and really drove down prices in the U.S. solar market,” Brightbill told a group of reporters Thursday. “It forced U.S. producers to significantly reduce their prices,” he said. “The industry was sort of pushed into a cost price squeeze.”
Those days are likely over. Instead, a variety of economic and political factors look to force prices up instead of down for new renewable power.
In a world where capital expenditure for solar projects goes up 5% to 10% — a range the analysts called “reasonably plausible” based on how much solar panels make up of the cost of a project — the Morgan Stanley analysts estimate that to maintain an industry standard investor return in the low-teens, power purchase agreements prices would have to rise to $52 to $57 per megawatt-hour, up from $49 to $54. “In a scenario where tariffs hold and IRA tax credits are eliminated,” the analysts write, those prices might go up as high as $73.
Those PPA prices could seriously degrade the advantage solar has over new natural gas generation, the Morgan Stanley analysts found, despite natural gas seeing its own cost pressures.
For one, there’s the shortage of gas turbines that’s causing higher equipment prices, bringing capital expenditures for a new gas plant up by around 75% in the last few years, the analysts said. Natural gas will also face its own hurdles from tariffs.
After penciling all that out, the Morgan Stanley analysts project that industry standard returns would require PPA prices of about $75 to $80 for natural gas.
You may notice how close that is to the pessimistic forecast on solar pricing.
“While current power market prices are not at levels that would support a new-build of natural gas turbines impacted by a tariff, we believe the co-location opportunity is still viable as a mid-to-high $70/MWh PPA price is still well within the willingness-to-pay for data center customers,” the Morgan Stanley analysts wrote. In other words, data centers that need a lot of power and don’t particularly care about carbon emissions or supporting renewables could end up procuring new gas.
That seems to track what we’re seeing out in the world. In January, Chevron and the investment firm Engine No. 1 announced a joint venture to deploy GE Vernova turbines on site to power data centers.
Natural gas pipeline giant Kinder Morgan’s executive chairman Richard Kinder told analysts Wednesday during the company’s quarterly earnings call that the company had seen a “nice uptick” in demand, “driven in part by the surge in AI and data centers.” The company’s natural gas pipelines president Sital Mody told analysts that Kinder Morgan is “actively pursuing opportunities to provide supply to ultimately feed these upcoming data centers,” and its chief executive Kimberley Dang called out Arizona as a potential market for gas-powered data centers.
So far this year, despite the threat of IRA repeal and protectionist tariffs hanging over the industry (not to mention “Liberation Day” tariffs on inputs like steel), prices paid for solar power have held steady, according to data from LevelTen, a power purchase agreement marketplace.
“Despite policy uncertainty, clean energy deals are moving forward at high volume,” Zach Starsia, LevelTen’s energy marketplace senior director, told me in an email. “There’s more certainty for projects expected to reach [commercial operation] in the next 12 to 16 months. It’s the longer-term, early-stage projects that are two to three years out where cost predictability becomes more difficult. Buyers are acting now to secure favorable pricing and access before tariffs and policy shifts begin to tighten market conditions,” Starsia said.
The company attributed the steady prices to the sector “finding itself on firmer footing following a long period of pandemic-era supply chain woes and an array of policy headwinds,” according to a LevelTen market analysis. While new and scheduled tariffs “are certainly a cause for concern,” the analysis said, the market is “well-attuned” to them due to the long history of solar tariffs since 2012.
“We expect upward pressure on PPA prices through 2025, particularly in technologies and regions exposed to tariffs and supply chain risk,” Starsia said. But he also wrote, perhaps optimistically, “The window is still open for prepared buyers to secure strong deals before price shifts fully take hold.”
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Plus, what a Texas energy veteran thinks is behind the surprising turn against solar and wind.
I couldn’t have a single conversation with a developer this week without talking about Texas.
In case you’re unaware, the Texas Senate two days ago passed legislation — SB 819 — that would require all solar and wind projects over 10 megawatts to receive a certification from the state Public Utilities Commission — a process fossil fuel generation doesn’t have to go through. The bill, which one renewables group CEO testified would “kill” the industry in Texas, was approved by the legislature’s GOP majority despite a large number of landowners and ranchers testifying against the bill, an ongoing solar and wind boom in the state, and a need to quickly provide energy to Texas’ growing number of data centers and battery manufacturing facilities.
But that’s not all: On the same day, the Texas Senate Business and Commerce Committee approved a bill — SB 715 — that would target solar and wind by requiring generation facilities to be able to produce power whenever called upon by grid operators or otherwise pay a fine. Critics of the bill, which as written does not differentiate between new and existing facilities, say it could constrain the growth of Texas’ energy grid, not to mention impose penalties on solar and wind facilities that lack sufficient energy storage on site.
Renewable energy trades are in freak-out mode, mobilizing to try and scuttlebutt bills that could stifle what otherwise would be a perfect state for the sector. As we’ve previously explained, a big reason why Texas is so good for development is because, despite its ruby red nature, there is scant regulation letting towns or counties get in the way of energy development generally.
Seeking to best understand why anti-renewables bills are sailing through the Lone Star State, I phoned Doug Lewin, a Texas energy sector veteran, on the morning of the votes in the Texas Senate. Lewin said he believes that unlike other circumstances we’ve written about, like Oklahoma and Arizona, there really isn’t a groundswell of Texans against renewable energy development. This aligns with our data in Heatmap Pro, which shows 76% of counties being more welcoming than average to a utility-scale wind or solar farm. This is seen even in the author of the 24/7 power bill – state Senator Kevin Sparks – who represents the city of Midland, which is in a county that Heatmap Pro modeling indicates has a low risk of opposition. The Midland area is home to several wind and solar projects; German renewables giant RWE last month announced it would expand into the county to power oil and gas extraction with renewables.
But Lewin told me there’s another factor: He believes the legislation is largely motivated by legislators’ conservative voters suffering from a “misinformation” and “algorithm” problem. It’s their information diets, he believes, which are producing fears about the environmental impacts of developing renewable energy.
“He’s actively working against the interests of his district,” Lewin said of Sparks. “It’s algorithms. I don’t know what folks think is going on. People are just getting a lot of bad information.”
One prominent example came from a hailstorm during Hurricane Uri last year. Ice rocks described like golfballs rained down upon south-east Texas, striking, among other things, a utility-scale solar farm called Fighting Jays overseen by Copenhagen Infrastructure Partners. The incident went viral on Facebook and was seized upon by large conservative advocacy organizations including the Competitive Enterprise Institute.
What’s next? Honestly, the only thing standing between these bills and becoming law is a sliver of hope in the renewables world that the millions of dollars flowing into Texas House members’ districts via project investments and tax benefits outweigh the conservative cultural animus against their product. But if the past is prologue, things aren’t looking great.
And more of the week’s most important conflicts around renewable energy.
1. Westchester County, N.Y. – Residents in Yonkers are pressuring city officials to renew a moratorium on battery storage before it expires in July.
2. Atlantic County, New Jersey – Sorry Atlantic Shores, but you’re not getting your EPA permit back.
3. St Clair County, Michigan – We may soon have what appears to be the first-ever county health regulations targeting renewable energy.
4. Freeborn County, Minnesota – Officials in this county have rejected a Midwater Energy Storage battery storage project citing concerns about fires.
5. Little River County, Arkansas – A petition circulating in this county would put the tax abatement for a NextEra solar project up for a vote county-wide.
6. Van Zandt County, Texas – Officials in this county have reportedly succeeded in getting a court to impose a restraining order against Taaleri Energy to halt the Amador battery storage project.
7. Gillespie County, Texas – Peregrine Energy’s battery storage proposal in the rural town of Harper is also facing a mounting local outcry.
8. Churchill County, Nevada – Battery storage might be good for Nevada mining, but we have what appears to be our first sign of revolt against the technology in the state.
A conversation with Mike Barnwell of the Michigan Regional Council of Carpenters and Millwrights
Today’s conversation is with Mike Barnwell at the Michigan Regional Council of Carpenters and Millwrights, a union organization more than 14,000 members strong. I reached out to Barnwell because I’d been trying to better understand the role labor unions could play in influencing renewables policy decisions, from the labor permitting office to the fate of the Inflation Reduction Act. So I called him up on my way home from the American Clean Power Association’s permitting conference in Seattle, where I gave a talk, and we chatted about how much I love Coney Island chili in Detroit. Oh, and renewable energy, of course.
The following conversation has been lightly edited for clarity.
I guess to start, we covered Michigan’s new permitting and siting law. What role did your union play in that process?
Locally, with the siting laws, we were a big part of that from the local level all the way to the state. From speaking at the Capitol down to city council and building authority meetings about projects happening in areas and cleaning out some of the red tape to make these possible.
It’s created jobs for our members current and future.
So you see labor as being helpful in getting permitting done faster?
Being labor maybe I’m biased but I think it is. I say labor collectively, we’ve got a pretty good coalition here in Michigan.
Do you think unions like yours will be similarly influential in the future of the Inflation Reduction Act back in Washington, D.C.?
Let me put it this way: the requirements of registered apprenticeships being on site come back to creating jobs for our members. Otherwise it’s just hiring anybody off the street – unskilled and unsafe workplaces. We train our folks through our apprenticeships and that legislation is ensuring safety on the jobs for one, let alone letting them build careers and pensions.
We’re a carpenter-centric union but this all falls under the work of what we do. We’ve been implementing our four-year apprenticeship program — every kind of renewable energy training you can think of, we’ve implemented it into our programs. It’s hands on. We have mockups at our training centers where [projects] get built and torn down and built and torn down. When you talk about a utility-scale solar project, it’s an average of 160-170 individuals working on that project. Without proper skills training they can’t work in coordination with each other.
How are you feeling about the future of the tax credits?
Uneasy.
The current leadership, they obviously have different views than the past leadership did. Lookit – when you talk about the IRA that has done nothing but create jobs for the blue collar working man in not just our state but around the nation. Here in Michigan, it almost went from zero to sixty in 10 seconds. It was miraculous what they did for us. We went from scratching and clawing in trying to procure these projects to now the IRA requiring skill training and prevailing wage and benefits and health care, which what as a union we’re all about.
Just in the last year, we’ve brought on over 300 new members just for solar alone. That’s all because of the federal tax credit and the language in the IRA.
Last question – what role do you see labor playing in the process of getting individual projects permitted and built?
Our role in that, I’ve been to plenty of these community meetings myself but it’s the actual working guy, the guy who is using his tools every week, who goes and speaks up to their county or town leadership about the benefits of these projects.
That big BlueOval battery plant in Marshall, Michigan – I don’t know if that would’ve been permitted without the work of our members being at those meetings, letting their voices be heard. There was obviously an opposition voice as well, but ours were a bit louder in the room. People want to hear the voices that say yes we want it and here’s why. This is how I support my family from the work on these projects. Otherwise it would’ve never gotten off the ground.