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Robinson Meyer:
This is a special New York Climate Week edition of Shift Key. Earlier this week, Heatmap House welcomed climate and energy leaders, experts, and influencers to Heatmap House, an all-day summit in New York City. One of those leaders was current U.S. Energy Secretary Chris Wright. Secretary Wright is the former CEO of Liberty Energy, a fracking and oil and gas services company. He’s also a former board member of Oklo, a nuclear startup, and at Liberty led an investment in the enhanced geothermal company Fervo Energy, which we’ve talked about on the show. As Energy Secretary, he’s prioritized fossil fuels and nuclear energy while attacking climate policy and the Paris Agreement. He and I were able to have a lengthy conversation. So lengthy, in fact, that as you’ll hear, we got cut off on time. But we were able to cover a number of topics that you’ve heard about previously on Shift Key, including the Trump administration’s attacks on wind energy, its plans to build out a new fleet of nuclear reactors nationwide, and the Chinese government’s bailout of the global oil market after the Strait of Hormuz closure. Let’s go to the show now. This conversation was recorded in front of a live audience at Heatmap House at 22 Vanderbilt in New York City.
Robinson Meyer:
Hello, here we are at New York Climate Week. My guest today is Secretary Wright. As you know, I am aware that lots of people are going to disagree with maybe some of the things that come up today, and I would just ask that we have a respectful and civic conversation. And also, Secretary Wright, I appreciate you being here, and I appreciate you being here at Heatmap. We know you have a choice when flying, and we’re glad you could be here with us today. First of all, anything you want to say before we get into it, because there’s a lot of ground to cover. And I want to keep it high energy, but just...
Chris Wright:
Absolutely. No, just saying I’m here because I love thoughtful dialogues on energy, climate change, and human lives. That’s been a passion my whole life, and nothing will change that.
Robinson Meyer:
Excellent. Well, hey, thank you so much for joining us. So let’s just start. We’re going to try to hit as many fuels as we can in the next several minutes.
Robinson Meyer:
But let’s start with policy. So Politico reported that President Trump has agreed to move forward with the number of wind projects that are currently frozen at the Department of Defense permitting clearinghouse. Reaching any deal, I think, on permitting reform is going to require a credible commitment from the administration not to continue messing with permits. And so can you tell us what is the state of these wind projects? And after this long legal history of renewable projects facing so many obstacles during the Trump administration, many of which have been ruled illegal by the courts. Why should congressional Democrats, and I think especially Senate Democrats, trust you that this is the time and permits are now free to move forward?
Chris Wright:
Yeah, since I’ve arrived, and this administration is about permitting reform, our belief has been you need to be able to build big things in America again. We did in the old days. We made it increasingly hard to build anything. So I’ve been engaged with Democrats, Republicans, Senate, House governors on building things in the country the entire time. I think we’re – I think, I hope we’re very close to a deal that will make it easier to build everything in America. And I think that’s a huge plus.
Robinson Meyer:
Can you tell us what the status is on these wind permits specifically? Are they moving forward? Has the president committed to making sure these things are approved?
Chris Wright:
Well, we’re still in the middle of negotiations in a deal that hasn’t fully come across. And I’m not in the center of the negotiations. This is among Senators, House, White House. I’m involved, but I’m not the center of that. I don’t want to steal anyone’s thunder or give anyone’s positions. But I think things have gone very well. I think we’re going to see, I think, an enormously positive development come out of it.
Robinson Meyer:
Has the president blessed the idea of a deal? Does he want a deal to come together here?
Chris Wright:
Yes, he does.
Robinson Meyer:
OK, let’s move to wind. So broadly, the Trump administration has seemed to have an issue with wind. It has taken a number of measures to block wind permits. I realize not all of these measures happened within the Department of Energy, but they have happened throughout the government. This has happened at the same time the grid is like screaming for new sources of energy. So why wouldn’t a policy of American energy dominance embrace all forms of American energy, including wind?
Chris Wright:
I would say it does. But there have been serious concerns in rural America and certainly in coastal America about development of wind farms. With the war in Russia, Ukraine, you see the change with drones. So there are legitimate national security concerns. I hope there’s mitigations and solutions to work it out. I suspect there will be, but I wouldn’t take all the administration’s activity as somehow like just a hamstring wind. There’s reasons for what’s going on behind the scenes. And I think you’ll see a robust development pathway going forward.
Robinson Meyer:
Do you think that I would say that it is hard to believe that necessarily when the president has been so personally vocal about wind?
Chris Wright:
He is not a fan of wind energy. I will give you that. But also when you talk about it, I’ll give you that 100%. The other thing I think you’ve got to look at is what he cares about is grid security and affordability of prices in the United States. He wants to reshore modern manufacturing here. We want to lead in artificial intelligence, which means you’ve got to have a grid that’s affordable as possible and that’s secure. What matters for an electricity grid is who’s there at peak demand time. You know, we had a very cold, very cold East Coast this year. On January 27 in the evening, peak demand time in New England, wind, solar and batteries combined were 2% of New England electric generation. We got 3% from burning trash in wood. So, you know, when we talk about the average amount of electricity generated by sources, this and that, it’s not a realistic representation of what underlines and secures the grid. Our main thing was 35 years of subsidies is enough. Let’s take the training wheels off and let things run from there. There are roles for different energy technologies in different places, but mandating things, forcing things on, and subsidizing things for decades, it just makes energy more expensive.
Robinson Meyer:
So the subsidies for wind are going away. They were repealed. Here, you should take your drink of water and I can talk briefly. The subsidies for wind have been repealed. They were in the Inflation Reduction Act. They were repealed by the One Big Beautiful Bill Act. I think the level of obstacles that we’ve seen from the administration has exceeded kind of just subsidies. It’s been any kind of permitted delay. You know, offices that previously approved permits are now, we’re blocking them. Do you think that this, first of all, why kind of block things if the subsidies have gone away? And two, do you think that is going to change going forward?
Chris Wright:
So look, I’m not at the center of that. That’s Interior, that’s Department of War. Those are other issues really outside of my purview. You’re right. Wind has been very controversial, and there have been very spirited dialogues in the administration about this. I do believe a successful permitting reform thing changes the playing field for anything you want to build in this country, including wind.
Robinson Meyer:
Do you think we’ll see the president tweet that he is okay with wind as long as we get permitting reform? Can we get a message from the president? Because I think it would help.
Chris Wright:
I wouldn’t count on that one.
Robinson Meyer:
The Department of Energy, in one of the biggest initiatives under your secretariat, I’m not sure how you would describe it, is moving forward with this plan to offer $17 billion, I think, to build 10 new reactors across five sites across the country. It’s a big program. We haven’t heard an update on it lately, and I was hoping we could get one from you now. Do we have, is there offtake? Who’s offtake for these reactors? Do you have five customers lined up? What is going on with this program now?
Chris Wright:
There’s a dinner on this very topic tomorrow night in New York City. I can’t tell you where it is, and I won’t be at the dinner, but I was just on the phone with my colleagues. So there are multiple competitors, well more than five, that are interested in this. So now it’s a little bit of a selection process. So this is with utilities that are power developers. There are offtakers. These are like package deals of where’s the most viable place we can get nuclear moving soon. And yes, and it’s using debt credit to help order the long lead time part so we can speed it up. Nuclear just hasn’t moved in my adult lifetime, and we want to get that ball moving.
Robinson Meyer:
What’s interesting, I think, about this program, I mean, there’s a number of things. First of all, obviously, if it succeeds, it will have big climate benefits. Second of all, the administration has been very harsh on the idea of energy subsidies. I mean, we were just talking about it in the context of solar and wind. And yet, low-interest loans are a form of subsidy. And so why should nuclear be subsidized when seemingly no other form of energy should be subsidized?
Chris Wright:
So great question, and totally fair question. My view as a capitalist and passionate about energy is the government smothered nuclear energy. It came out of the gate strong, quickly got to 20% of U.S. electricity. We built over 100 reactors. We created the Nuclear Regulatory Commission, and in the last 30 years, we built two reactors. We made it virtually impossible to build a nuclear reactor. I would say renewables are part of the problem here, because when you pay three cents a kilowatt hour as a subsidy for wind, when the value of that kilowatt hour is you’re reducing the consumption of two cents of natural gas, you distort electricity markets. And they’re going to spin at all times. So they’ve got these little 15-minute price increments are negative. So by distorting the market for some climate reasons or policy reasons, we also killed the commercial opportunity for nuclear. Our thing is just to try to get it back on its feet and get out of the way. But you’re right. Is the government leaning in a little bit to help get nuclear moving? Yes. Is that a market distortion? It is. But I think we’re making up for decades, decades of hamstringing the industry, and then it’s got to run and compete on its own.
Robinson Meyer:
And why should nuclear get the subsidy when solar and wind shouldn’t?
Chris Wright:
Well, wind’s had it for 35 years and solar like 27 years. So they’ve had it for a very long time. But the bigger reason why am I personally, I worked in solar energy and solar energy has a future. Absolutely. Why am I way more bullish on nuclear? Two reasons. It delivers the form of electricity that people will buy, which means it’s there whether the wind’s blowing or the sun’s shining or the weather changes. It’s there 24-7, and only 20% of global primary energy is delivered via electricity wires. Like, electricity is awesome. I love it. It isn’t even the most important form of energy. The most important form of energy is heat. It keeps millions of people alive, and it powers the manufacturing of plastics and steel. You can’t build wind turbines and solar panels without massive amounts of process heat, which is why most of that stuff is done coal-fired in Western China with slave labor. You need massive amounts of process heat for a modern world. Nuclear can not only provide electricity in the form people will buy, it can deliver process heat. It can be a big deal in global energy in the decades ahead.
Robinson Meyer:
Can I ask, so this kind of effect in the electricity markets you’re describing where solar is competing with gas and solar is intermittent, so it runs during the date. Now, of course, batteries can hold solar energy and allow it to run overnight. But this effect that you’re describing where solar and gas are competing with each other and then nuclear is disadvantaged, that effect seems inherent to how electricity markets function to me, where electricity markets are always going to favor whatever the cheapest source in the merit order is at any moment. And so do you think... Long-term, because among the benefits to solar and wind and gas has been how they function within electricity markets. Do you think long-term how electricity markets function needs to change, or our country’s use of electricity markets needs to change?
Chris Wright:
I think we should have smarter design of electricity markets. As you well know, it’s very complicated. But electricity that’s going to be there when your kid’s in the incubator, you know, when it’s dark and still at night, that is the electricity we need. Paying the same value for a source that’s there some of the time and not there some of the time has led to these distortions. And to say just not just these theories, let me give the numbers. 10 states in the United States have closed all their coal plants. You know, that’s all justified in the name of climate action. If I compare the price of electricity in those 10 states, not cherry-picked, the average of those 10 states versus the 10 states with the highest existing concentration of coal on the power grid, their electricity is 79% higher. The more we build cheap electricity, the more expensive electricity gets. There’s obviously more to the store.
Robinson Meyer:
I was going to say the coal plants closed because they could be refired with natural gas often, right? Like the reason coal closed is because you can stick a natural gas generator into an old coal plant and run it cheaply. And you do better on various other kind of conventional pollution, conventional pollution measurements.
Chris Wright:
Agree with you 100%. So that’s a natural evolution. That’s how coal went from over 50% of US electricity to now third behind nuclear and natural gas is displayed at by market. But the places that have gone further and said, we’re going to close them by this date that have done it for not the rational business reasons you gave, but for climate or state political reasons, they have driven up electricity prices way beyond any natural evolution of coal.
Robinson Meyer:
Those are the 10 that you’re talking about, in other words.
Chris Wright:
Yes.
Robinson Meyer:
Let’s talk about natural gas. So one phenomenon that’s happening right now is that we are exporting, we’re getting ready to export more natural gas than we ever have before in this country. At the same time, we’re running this huge data center boom, basically on natural gas, often natural gas right at the site, because we’re generating electricity and then feeding it directly into data centers. At the same time, natural gas runs American industry. It is the source of process heat for a lot of factories and manufacturing operations. It seems like we are really leaning hard into natural gas. Should the United States be doing something to prepare for a natural gas price shock? Because right now we are becoming kind of single point vulnerable on the natural gas system. And when you talk to frackers, they know there’s supply, but they’re not sure they can continue increasing production to meat supply.
Chris Wright:
So, and I think that’s a little bit of optimism, right? If you’re in the business of oil and gas or wind or whatever business you’re in, you’re hoping higher prices and higher prices are about to come here. I think that’s an unrealistic view. 20 years ago, the United States had 1,200 rigs drilling for natural gas, and we were the largest importer of natural gas on planet Earth. Today, we have 125, 90% reduction in the number of rigs drilling for natural gas. We’ve more than doubled our production. where the world’s largest exporter takes one rig to support a BCF a day of production. That’s 6 gigawatts of electric generating. We have a gub-smacking amount of natural gas. We will never remotely come close to touching the volume of gas we had. But the U.S. has decades, truly generations of maybe not $2.50 gas, but if you get to $3.50 or $4, which is still in diesel equivalent prices like $0.60 or $0.70 a gallon, Just as far as the rest of your lifetime, it’s very hard to get domestic natural gas prices meaningfully high, only in local markets because of pipeline constraints.
Robinson Meyer:
So you’re not worried at all that we’re going to run into supply constraints on natural gas anytime soon? Because it does seem to me moving from $2 to $3.50 or $4, that is a small change in nominal terms. Of course, that would have big effects on the economics of any operation that relied on gas, right?
Chris Wright:
Now, I mean, look, gas was $8 20 years ago. The inflation-adjusted price of gas has continued to trend down. It’s been flattest the last few years. Maybe it’s flattest for the next five or 10 years. Does it escalate a little bit going out? Yes. Will it be the cheapest form of dispatchable electricity, at least for the next couple decades? Yes. I hope nuclear comes down. We can get the cost down someday so it can compete and outcompete natural gas, I hope. But that’s a tall order.
Robinson Meyer:
But you don’t see a strategic reason or an energy conservation or a diversification reason to move away from gas.
Chris Wright:
Now, right now, it is America’s energy superpower. You know, it’s high 30 percent of total primary energy production in the United States. It’s the fastest growing energy source on planet Earth in absolute terms of new energy added. It’s grown 3% compound annual growth rate for 50 years. Oil is growing at 1% because much more expensive than gas and it’s much less available. Oil has much more —
Robinson Meyer:
If all this is true, why invest in nuclear then? I guess I — I mean, I’m very pro because good for climate. But like, what is, yeah.
Chris Wright:
Back to your argument. Gas is, you know, in my lifetime, is going to be the American energy superpower for sure. But you never want all your eggs in one basket. You never want all your eggs in one basket. The future of the earth is long indeed. And nuclear is an energy source that will take time. But it eventually can come down at cost. It can deliver heat. It can deliver energy. And I don’t want all my eggs in one basket in natural gas. It is going to continue to grow. its market share, but it doesn’t mean you just bet on the one. We need multiple.
Robinson Meyer:
Can solar and batteries also help diversify the eggs in our basket?
Chris Wright:
They can, but I think the scaling possibilities, they’re much less. If you take all the batteries in the United States today, you can’t store five minutes of electric grid production. I love batteries. They have a key role in industrial technologies. They help in stabilizing the grid. But you said you can use solar and store it through the night. That is a monster amount of batteries. And so we got to keep driving battery prices down. But will solar and batteries play a role?
Robinson Meyer:
I think when you look at the queue for Texas or when you look at the queue for a number of grids, we are going to add a lot of batteries in the coming years.
Chris Wright:
Oh, 100%. No, I’m all in on batteries. And I like solar as well. Yeah, absolutely. Solar and batteries have a future, but their possible future is nowhere near as large as the possible future of nuclear.
Robinson Meyer:
I said we were going to try to hit as many fuels as possible. I’m going to keep it up.
Robinson Meyer:
Diesel. The president reportedly endorsed a diesel export ban yesterday. I want to ask you, because you’ve been critical of this idea in the past, should the U.S. ban the export of diesel fuels today?
Chris Wright:
Well, look, I always speak candidly, and I’ve seen stuff in the press like the energy secretary disagrees with the president. Absolutely not true. He didn’t endorse it. He did the same thing I’ve done when I’ve been asked about it. Are you open to that idea? We are open to any ideas that can lower energy prices for Americans. We have a continual thoughtful dialogue based on the facts on the ground of what are the most practical steps moving forward. And it looks like right now we do need to grow the diesel supply in the United States. This is more likely to be done entirely voluntary. We will not cease exports of U.S. diesel. But may there be some tweak in where diesel flows out of U.S. refineries. I think we’re going to see that because it can stop the rise in price of diesel.
Robinson Meyer:
If the U.S. were to ban diesel exports, wouldn’t it immediately hurt our reputation as an energy superpower, so to speak?
Chris Wright:
It certainly would have impacts. It certainly would have impacts. I don’t think there’s serious consideration, although there’s always been a dialogue about it, with the president across the cabinet about these things. Are we going to make adjustments with diesel? I think so. But no, I don’t think you will see a blanket ban on diesel. And yes, of course, we want to be the energy superpower supplying the whole world, and we care about that.
Robinson Meyer:
What’s your read? So from diesel to oil, remaining within the ambit of the Strait of Hormuz fallout, what’s your read of how China helped stave off the worst of the supply shock from oil? I was talking to someone in the industry yesterday, and they said, you are the only government official, not the only Trump administration official, but the only government official they saw, who explicitly has said Beijing released from its strategic supply to help buttress global, to help buttress its own oil supply. And so how large has that release been and how much longer do you think they can keep it up?
Chris Wright:
Yeah, so China has the world’s largest stores of oil. China has been very rational about energy for a long time, and they’ve been very aggressive on energy. And you’re right, early on as oil prices spiked up, China replaced the United States as the largest importer of oil in the world. Now we briefly were the largest exporter of oil in the world. China is still a huge oil importer, so they’re hurt a lot by high prices. They stopped building their inventories as the first thing they did. Then they drew from commercial stocks. They have abundant commercial stocks as well. And I think they’ve drawn a little bit from their strategic stocks, but they have an enormous amount of oil. The challenge today is not so much oil prices as refining capacity. So China turned down their refineries, drew from stocks. Now China’s increasing their refineries of oil and gas. If they were listening to me for their energy policy, and they are not. But if they were, all right, have them ramp up those refineries more rapidly because they have oil. The world has oil, but we’re very, very tight on refining capacity right now. That’s why diesel prices and jet fuel prices are so high.
Robinson Meyer:
I think their imports are still much lower than they have been historically. Do you know how long they can hold out not importing the level of oil? Because that’s basically saving the rest of the world from extremely high oil prices right now.
Chris Wright:
You’re right that it’s putting downward pressure on oil prices, but the world’s biggest problem for diesel right now is not oil prices.
Robinson Meyer:
It’s refining, yeah.
Chris Wright:
It’s refining capacity. So they’re helping push oil prices down, but their actions are helping push final product prices up, and that’s what consumers care about. So we want them to be a little less constructive on oil prices and a little more constructive on product prices, and that is the direction they’re heading. They are ramping up their refining, and they’re ramping up their exports of refined products, and I hope they continue that direction.
Robinson Meyer:
Do you think Beijing is now the swing consumer of oil in the world?
Chris Wright:
They’re the swing importer. It isn’t changing meaningfully their consumption, but they just have huge buffer stocks that they can reduce their imports rapidly, and they are the swing importer of oil.
Robinson Meyer:
Given that the current U.S. energy security policy is to drill as much as possible, and I would add has been for some time the idea that U.S. supply of oil is going to be key to U.S. energy security. Does the fact that China is now the swing importer of oil, let’s say, and the swing buyer on the global market and could seems to be shaping oil prices on a level that’s akin to how it shapes like global mineral prices? What does that mean for U.S. energy security?
Chris Wright:
Well, their behavior so far has like taken off the peaks. Yeah, they’ve prevented oil prices from going as high as the other would. That’s that’s, of course, quite a positive. They’re just very commercially minded. You know, if prices go high, well, you buy less. If prices go low, they buy more. You know, when oil prices are depressed, they fill their stocks faster. So they’ve just been very commercially minded in how they deal with oil markets. And overall, that’s a positive.
Chris Wright:
Yeah.
Robinson Meyer:
EVs, okay, next fuel. EVs are now more than 25% of new vehicle sales globally. They were more than half of new vehicle sales in Australia, our ally, in the month of August. Last year, the Trump administration ended consumer side subsidies for EVs. Given that EVs are important to manufacturing, to security, how can the U.S. Ever catch up without incentives, number one? But number two, just how can the U.S. ever catch up in this extremely important global industry?
Chris Wright:
Well, we had incentives for a long time. And first of all, we have Tesla, absolutely phenomenal company. They make phenomenal EVs. And they’re a global leader in EVs. And as we talk backstage, that has spinoff technologies to it. That’s fantastic. But look at the demographics who buy EVs. That’s well-off people that for their second or third car, mostly, not entirely. But it’s well-off people buying it. Should we have the broader America subsidizing, you know, the habits of wealthy people? I don’t think we should. Maybe it was OK to launch the industry, but the industry is going and around. When you force people to do something, as the Biden administration did, you know, GM and Ford, they’re going to go out of business.
Robinson Meyer:
I don’t think they forced anyone.
Chris Wright:
They said they were going to phase out. They had these strict goals. Believe me, Ford and GM, I talk to these people very often. They did not want to be forced to end their internal combustion vehicle, California regulations as well, and be forced to transition to EVs. And consumers told you have to buy something. If you impose something on someone, people immediately recoil from it. If you say, hey, there’s a cool new technology, do you want to buy it? People adopt that. This is the same thing we’re doing with the long-term spent fuel disposal in the United States. When they said it’s at Yucca Mountain, everyone in Nevada said, you’re not imposing on that. We said, who wants to host those campuses? 26 states responded, six have aggressive proposals. You want an opt-in on a technology. EVs are a cool, neat new technology. Let consumers choose what kind they want, what brand they want. Let the marketplace compete, and they’ll continue to grow and advance globally. But making people do them, particularly on the false premise that they’re a climate technology, it is every bit as carbon intensive to run an EV the life of an internal combustion vehicle
Robinson Meyer:
Because they’re so greenhouse gas. I don’t think that is true. I don’t think that is true. I think they are more efficient. You can run them off a coal plant and they are less carbon intensive.
Chris Wright:
They published the data on it. You have to drive a Tesla 80,000 miles on today’s US electricity grid to get your greenhouse gas emissions down to the level of an equivalently size. Volkswagen has published data on this. It’s two and a half times more energy intensive to make them.
Robinson Meyer:
I haven’t seen the data. I would say I hope Tesla can drive for longer than 80,000 miles because I would expect that from a car. I want to kind of lean in on this, though, because I think it sounds like what you’re saying is the U.S. forced Americans, you know, the government kind of forced Americans to buy EVs, and Americans were like, no, I don’t want EVs. Secretary Wright, thank you so much for joining us.
Chris Wright:
Thanks so much.
Robinson Meyer:
And we had to leave it there. As you heard, it was such a lengthy and lively conversation. We actually went well past the time that we had booked and had to just end things abruptly. Obviously, there was so much more to discuss. And obviously, I’d say we have to get Secretary Wright back on the show to talk about everything that we didn’t have time to discuss on stage. We’re going to be releasing more conversations from Heatmap House in the next days and weeks on the show. I’m very excited to share them. It was an incredible day. And if you were there, thank you for coming. If you weren’t there, hopefully we can get you into Heatmap House in the future. Until next week, Shift Key is a production of Heatmap News. Our editors are Jillian Goodman and Nico Lauricella. Multimedia editing and audio engineering is by Jacob Lambert and Nick Woodbury, who came all the way up to New York to record this conversation live. Thank you, Nick. Our music is by Adam Kromelow. Thanks so much for listening. See you next week.
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The odds of BAAJA passing likely grew a few degrees worse.
In the lead-up to the midterm elections, the outlook for passing the Senate’s bipartisan permitting reform deal during the lame-duck session was already highly uncertain. While environmental and clean energy advocates praised the transmission sections of the deal, a growing chorus warned of negative consequences from its provisions to fend off politically motivated attacks on energy projects, as well as its changes to tribal consultation in the federal permitting process. Prominent clean energy Democrats John Podesta and Representative Sean Casten of Illinois also piled on. President Trump, meanwhile, was not holding up his end of the bargain to release proposed wind projects held captive by Department of Defense reviews.
Post-election, the odds of the Bipartisan American Affordability and Jobs Act’s passage are likely a few degrees worse. Jared Huffman, the Democratic Representative from California who is next in line to lead the House Natural Resources Committee, reiterated his view that the Senate should hold off on a vote and take another pass at the bill in the next Congress, when Democrats have more leverage. Other Democrats who were sitting on the sidelines of the debate may also now feel emboldened by the party’s overwhelming win and agree that a better deal could be had by waiting.
Proponents of the bill view the election results as a clear endorsement of BAAJA. Energy bills were on the ballot, and “to reduce energy prices is to pass permitting reform,” Jason Grumet, the CEO of the American Clean Power Association, said during a call with reporters on Wednesday.
Jane Flegal, a senior fellow at the Searchlight Institute, argued on X that “most of the things” Democrats can do to address energy affordability at the federal level are in BAAJA, such as reforms to speed up the buildout of transmission lines, utility oversight, greater certainty for clean energy developers, and provisions to force data centers to cover their costs. “Dems shouldn’t wait on permitting. BAAJA is a good bill, and the filibuster and veto don’t go away in January,” she wrote. But the real reason not to wait, she added, is that if Democrats win the White House in 2028, they will need to “hit the ground running, especially on energy affordability,” and reform “takes years to implement.”
Joe Brazauskas, a partner at the government relations firm Bracewell, said during a post-election webinar on Wednesday that he’ll be watching for four indicators of how the permitting reform deal will fare in the coming days and weeks. First, will the senators who negotiated the deal come back with a major push for the bill?
So far, they don’t seem to be backing down from plans to put the package to a vote next Monday, November 9. “We don’t have more years to lose as clean energy projects sit on the sidelines, and there’s no guarantee Congress would ever find another compromise that would be able to pass the Senate,” Senator Sheldon Whitehouse of Rhode Island, one of the bill’s authors, told me in a statement. “Democrats ran and won on affordability, and this bill lowers costs for families and will allow us to start delivering on our election promises. It’s a bird in the hand. We’d be fools not to take it.”
Senator Martin Heinrich of New Mexico, the bill’s other Democrat author, provided similar comments to Politico. “We’ve been trying to pass permitting reform for the better part of a decade,” he said. “It doesn't necessarily get easier just because of who the chair is. This is the closest we have come to actually finding something that can get signed into law. I’m not going to wait.”
The second indicator is what Trump does next. Will he make any substantive wind farm approvals? Grumet said he doesn’t think the legislation will move forward unless a “significant number of those projects” being held up in the Department of Defense review process are released. With the Senate vote scheduled for Monday, the clock is ticking. Grumet was bullish that Trump would play ball, noting that “every interaction we’ve had with the administration affirms that they want to close this deal.”
There’s also the question of how hard the president will gun for the deal more generally. As I’ll explain, the bill could face steep hurdles with key Republicans in the House that may require the president’s cajoling to overcome. Several speakers in the Bracewell webinar suggested that Trump may want some legislative wins to cement his legacy. Whether that translates into a push in the lame duck, or a potential deal in the next Congress, remains to be seen.
The third indicator is whether and how the bill’s authors address the issues raised around tribal consultation and “project certainty” in an amendment before the vote. There are signs that these can be resolved. Before the election, Punchbowl News reported that the Coalition of Large Tribes, whose members control a large portion of tribal lands in the country, was negotiating to improve the bill with technical fixes rather than fighting it altogether. Several bill proponents also told me that fixes for project certainty were underway.
It’s still unclear, however, whether small technical fixes will be enough to rally more support for the bill in the House, or alternatively, if those changes turn out to be more substantive, whether they threaten the bill’s delicate bipartisan balance.
The last indicator is, will Democratic leadership support the bill? Senate Minority Leader Chuck Schumer has not yet shared his views. “The Democrats’ performance was so overwhelming last night that the outside groups that talk to Democrats, the ENGOs, have to be emboldened,” Brazauskas said. “They have very strong views on the Clean Water Act provisions, the Endangered Species Act provisions, Judicial Review, and I really think that that will impact how that’s viewed by Democrats on the Hill.”
If the bill does pass the Senate next week, it faces an uncertain road in the House, and not just because of opponents like Huffman. Republican leadership will have to make a strategic choice about where to send it.
The typical first step would be to refer it to the House Energy and Commerce Committee. At least as of a few weeks ago, however, the committee chair, Representative Brett Guthrie of Kentucky, was looking for changes to the transmission section of the bill, which would have costly consequences for Southeast electric utilities, as it would support the construction of new interregional transmission lines that compete with their business models.
If House leadership wants to avoid Guthrie’s committee, they could send the bill to the House Rules Committee, which could tee it up for a simple majority vote. The Rules Committee is also controlled mostly by southern Republicans, however, who may have some of the same sympathies as Guthrie. This is where Trump’s commitment to getting the deal done would likely be crucial.
Another option is to move the bill through “suspension of the rules,” a procedural tactic that allows the House to consider legislation without a rule from the Rules Committee — although this would mean the bill would require a two-thirds majority to pass. It is typically reserved for bills with broad consensus, such as when Congress renames post offices.
One final potential pathway is to attach a Senate-passed version of the bill to must-pass legislation, such as a government funding package or the annual military authorization bill. Congress successfully enacted the Energy Act of 2020 by attaching it to a consolidated appropriations measure after Donald Trump lost the presidential election to Joe Biden. That bill was not as controversial as BAAJA, however, and so the approach may be too risky.
Hanging over all of this, and affecting how the numbers stack up for a vote, is another question the Democratic landslide has now raised. How many House Republicans will even show up for work in the lame duck?
Democrats finally trounced Trumpism at the ballot box. But it required liberals and progressives alike to articulate more moderate views on energy and climate policy.
I’ll admit that when the polling first came in, I didn’t believe it.
A few months ago, my editor showed me the newest result from the Heatmap Pro poll that we run with Embold Research. For more than a year, we had been asking Americans whether they would support a data center planned near their home; since then, we had been watching the “support” number steadily tick down.
But the newest result beggared belief: 75% of Americans now said they would oppose a data center in their town. Most would strongly oppose it. When was the last time, I thought, that 75% of Americans agreed about anything? Was this real?
Sure looks like it. As Michigan’s newest senator-elect Abdul El-Sayed said earlier this year: People really effing hate data centers. And they apparently really hate Donald Trump, too, and the Iran War, and higher gas prices.
On Tuesday night, Democrats … well, pick your synonym. They routed Republicans. Annihilated them. Crushed them, broke them, and heard the lamentations of their donors. Democrats captured at least 54 seats in the Senate and could take more than 260 seats in the House. The national House vote snapped more than 15 points in their favor, and key demographic groups whose preferences have defined the Trump era — such as Hispanics, young men, and white voters without a college degree — all swung in the double digits to Democrats.
For millennials like me, the wave elections par excellence have been 2006, when liberals took back Congress from a desperately unpopular George W. Bush, and 2010, when the Tea Party caroused against Barack Obama. This election was bigger than either, on par with the anti-Watergate tsunami of 1974 that shaped the Democratic Party for a generation and put a new class of professional-minded reformers at its helm. Unlike in 1974, though, the new Democratic majority will not rely on an old guard of state’s rights conservatives. The South turned indigo on Tuesday night, it’s true, but that was thanks to the normal politics of booming American cities and suburbs, not century-old polarization left over from the Civil War. This is a new kind of Democratic mega-majority.
It will usher in a new kind of energy and climate politics. From the moment he rode down the escalator 11 years ago, Donald Trump has defined himself by his climate change denial. His antipathy for decarbonization and clean energy reached new heights in his second term, as his administration waged a war on renewables and dismantled the government’s already-weak ability to regulate greenhouse gas pollution. At the same time, it embraced the artificial intelligence boom and gave some of the world’s wealthiest companies a blank check to pollute.
Now that is all over. Although Trump still has two years left in the White House, he will limp to 2029 without a pliant Congress, a supportive public, or an aura of invincibility. We should, to be sure, expect at least a few Cabinet resignations in the next few weeks, so the expiring GOP Senate can confirm their replacements; and federal agencies will still roll their regulatory agendas uphill in case the GOP wins the White House in 2028. Some Trump policies — like his nuclear plan — may even meet with Democratic approval. But the administration’s fossil fuel revolution is over. And everything that Trump has done on climate and energy since taking office, especially his family’s penetration of favored mining firms, will soon face scrutiny in the new year.
That will all be good for the fight against climate change. And yet it would be wrong to presume that this new era will look like the last one — or that these new congressional Democrats will be Green New Dealers or even ardent environmentalists. “We cannot change anything unless we accept it,” Jung wrote, and Democrats have finally overturned Trumpism in part by accepting its real force in American politics. I don’t mean their willingness to accept Trump’s conduct, to be clear: The No Kings rallies and the Minneapolis rebellion saw to that. But since Kamala Harris lost, Democrats have for the first time treated Trump as a normal Republican opponent — and their fight against him not as a “battle for the soul of the nation,” as President Biden liked to put it, but as a simple verdict on a powerful establishment politician.
That has meant learning from Trump, and from his energy and affordability politics in particular. Chief among those lessons: Voters really, really care about low prices; they especially really, really care about cheap energy; and they will reward politicians who share their concerns. Zohran Mamdani, Mikie Sherill, and Abigail Spanberger pioneered these appeals last year, playing down their respective climate goals and (in Sherill’s case) running on cheaper power bills. State and congressional Democrats in 2026 picked up that strategy and ran with it.
They had help. Inexplicably, Trump undercut his promises to start no new foreign wars and cut energy bills in half by launching a new Iran war that nearly doubled some energy prices. By one estimate, Americans have paid more than $100 billion in higher fuel costs since March. Trump’s compact with voters broke in that moment. Tuesday is the result.
Democrats know it. Look at Annie Andrews, for instance, the new Democratic senator from South Carolina (!). She wants to “suspend the gas tax, unleash American energy, and get gas prices down” — in other words, she seeks to cut taxes on fossil fuels. But Andrews also wants to restore the solar and wind tax credits and increase public transit spending. And she devotes an entire paragraph of her policy brochure to the need for bipartisan permitting reform.
What distinguishes Andrews isn’t her toughness on fossil fuels, but her opposition to data centers. She wants a two-year nationwide moratorium on the facilities, to end their tax breaks, and force them to stop passing on higher electricity costs to ratepayers. Almost every single Senate Democrat who won on Tuesday, in fact, promised to make data centers pay for their full cost of electricity service — it might be the caucus’s most unifying policy. (The bipartisan permitting bill, whose fate remains uncertain as of writing, would mandate it.)
Much like Andrews, this new class of congressional Democrats sought to embrace every kind of energy source except for coal. Senator-elect James Talarico, a Democrat of Texas — get used to saying that — promised voters that “we can add to our hundreds of thousands of oil, gas, wind, solar, and battery jobs by creating new jobs” in geothermal and hydrogen. Mary Peltola, who seems likely to clinch her Alaska Senate race, argued for oil and gas’s ongoing importance, too. Adam Hamilton of Kansas, Scott Colom of Mississippi, and Andrews of South Carolina all spoke of their “all of the above” energy policy. None of these candidates are climate deniers — they all want to restore the wind and solar tax credits, and many spoke of increasing climate resilience funding — but they all have vowed to grow the energy system, not revolutionize it. Even Abdul El-Sayed, who wrote a 2019 Guardian op-ed advocating for the Green New Deal, disavowed that policy and opposed a government EV mandate.
The new state-level Democrats will push the party even further in this direction. Had Talarico alone won in Texas, he might have been able to walk a careful line on fossil fuels, recognizing oil and gas as the status quo without seeking to expand their reach. But Gina Hinojosa will also be the state’s next governor, with a much more direct role in managing the Permian Basin. To keep her job, she will have to accept that Texans' livelihoods depend on oil and gas, in the same way that Mamdani has had to recognize the reality of Wall Street's centrality to the economy of New York City. Democrats will face tough trade-offs.
They also won’t be any more radical about the 10% of U.S. emissions that come from American agriculture. If the Democrat Scott Colom holds out and wins Mississippi’s senate seat, it will be in no small part thanks to a viral commercial chiding the Republican incumbent for telling voters to choose a cheaper protein than beef. “Pick another protein?” an everyman griller asked the camera. “I’d rather pick another senator instead.”
This is one reason why Tuesday’s victory might feel a smidge bittersweet for some climate defenders. Democrats have finally trounced Trumpism at the ballot box. Progressives like El-Sayed have shown they can win in battleground states, provided a favorable national environment, and moderates have stormed the heart of MAGA America.
But doing so required everyone, liberals and progressives alike, to articulate more moderate views on energy and climate policy. As recently as 2020, belief in the climate crisis unified the Biden coalition. Now, Democrats have tacitly accepted — as a price of winning big majorities — some cognitive dissonance between what they think the science says (that climate change is an urgent and worsening problem) and what domestic politics demands (that voters still care more about cheap energy).
In other words, more than just the Trump era ended on Tuesday. The old Obama dream finally died too. In the wake of the 2012 election, Democrats imagined a permanent progressive majority shorn of right-leaning white voters. That fantasy never materialized, and chasing it may have even led the party astray. Now they have built a new congressional coalition with energy moderates at its core.
Which is not to say that Democrats will give up on decarbonizing the economy. We can expect this new congressional class to expand clean energy, push for more transmission lines, and revive electric vehicle subsidies as a solution to high gas prices. Senator Jon Ossoff of Georgia, who won one of the night’s most convincing victories, repeatedly mentioned microplastics and “forever chemicals” in his speeches, linking the contamination of human bodies to the corruption of the body politic. The fight against conventional air and water pollution, I suspect, will come back big.
The next era of American climate politics, in other words, will look different from the last one. Fossil fuel companies have long been climate advocates’ primary foil. At the national level, data centers and Big Tech could eclipse them. At least one former climate activist won on Tuesday by running against data centers and large-scale solar. Artificial intelligence, after all, is the country’s fastest growing form of industrial energy use, and it creates far fewer jobs than a chip fab or steel mill. For these reasons, you can imagine a kind of reformed normie environmentalism with anti-AI characteristics taking root in the next administration. Perhaps it already has.
Decarbonizing the economy is steady and long-term work, “a slow boring of hard boards,” to quote the political thinker Max Weber, and the politicians who next turn the screws hardest may not sit on Capitol Hill. The historic size of Tuesday’s swell means Democrats won key state offices that they haven’t held in a generation — on public utility commissions, fossil fuel regulators, and in state legislatures. They will be eager to wield their powers. With its new Democratic trifecta, for instance, Pennsylvania could allow community solar, mandate battery storage, and restrict utility profits. Decades of low-hanging climate policy will soon be plucked.
Amid all of this excitement, Democrats should keep failure in mind — the president’s and their own. Since 2020, Democrats have tried to revolutionize the energy system, reindustrialize the country, and overhaul the economy without recognizing the existence of any trade-offs between those goals. They failed, and voters hated it. President Trump and Republicans tried to reinthrone fossil fuels, give birth to a “superior intelligence,” and otherwise bring back a gloomy spoof of the midcentury American economy — without accepting any trade-offs. They failed too, and as we learned last night, voters hated them even more than they hated Biden.
The United States really does need to get better at commercializing batteries and making electric vehicles; it really must cut pollution, lower energy prices, and significantly boost its electricity generation. Both parties have failed to make progress on those goals so far. Democrats have shown they can learn from Donald Trump’s mistakes. Now we’ll see if they can learn from their own, too.
Clean energy stocks are up, unless they’re firm.
The market has rendered its provisional judgment on the midterm elections, seeing threats to the AI datacenter complex and Elon Musk. Here are the winners and losers of the big blue wave.
Elon Musk’s companies
Tesla shares fell over 3% on Wednesday while SpaceX shares fell 3.8%.
Before the election, several Congressional Democrats who will now be serving in the majority made it clear that their oversight powers across a number of domains would be turned on the Trump-supporting sometimes-trillionaire.
“We think the market fears Democrats will look to target Tesla, as Tesla CEO Elon Musk heavily campaigned for the Republican Party leading up to the election,” Morningstar analyst Seth Goldstein wrote in a note to clients.
AI-related companies
But of course Elon Musk isn’t just a Trump-connected electric car and battery chief executive, he also runs an artificial intelligence model developer and “neocloud” (i.e. a builder and renter out of data centers for artificial intelligence) by the name of SpaceX (it also launches rockets).
Several other companies who rent out compute to AI developers saw their shares decline, including CoreWeave (down 10%) and Nebius (down over 6.5%), as Democrats who criticized data center developers won up and down the ballot, including at the state level in data-center-heavy states like Georgia, Texas, and Ohio.
The results imply “incrementally negative AI sentiment on greater expectations for data center restrictions,” Morgan Stanley equity strategists wrote in a note to clients.
“Any investors adding 10 or more GW of compute to SpaceX's SI business in 2027 may want to revise down. State pushback on terrestrial/atmospheric datacenters has a head of steam,” Morgan Stanley analyst Adam Jonas wrote in a note to clients.
Semiconductor companies Nvidia and Broadcom were also down around 3% and 2% respectively.
Firm power companies (including clean ones)
Of course those data centers are largely consumers of power, so as the data center industry got sick, the power industry caught a cold.
Companies that own fossil fuel and nuclear power plants were hit hard today. Shares of Vistra (which has a 44,000-megawatt power plant portfolio) were down almost 14%, Constellation (which owns and operates 21 nuclear reactors) was down 6% and Talen (which owns 14 power plants largely in the PJM region) fell 8.5%. GE Vernova, which has been riding the AI boom by selling gas turbines to power plant developers, was down over 9%.
“Laggards include anything that touches data centers,” Jefferies analyst Julien Dumoulin-Smith wrote in a note to clients. “Expect a difficult unwind day given the scale of the upset in the single biggest state for data center activity,” he wrote, referring to Texas.
And Fervo, the enhanced geothermal developer, really is being treated like a "normal" energy company: its shares were down 4.5%. X-Energy, the advanced nuclear developer, was also down almost 8.5%.
Utilities, especially one specific utility
The vertically integrated utility Southern Company was essentially on the ballot by way of its subsidiary Georgia Power in the Georgia Public Service Commission race and lost. Georgia Power represents about 60% of Southern’s earnings. “Southern Company remains the clearest commission-control risk after Democrats sweep Georgia’s two PSC seats,” Dumoulin Smith wrote.
Across the whole sector, newly elected governors and public utility commissioners could put pressure on the return on equity that utilities are allowed to earn on their investments.
“ROEs are one of the only things utility regulators have to reduce rates,” Rains told me.
Clean Energy
In the energy sector, the big winners were renewables. The S&P Global Clean Energy Transition Index was up over 3% today, while the Danish wind manufacturer Vestas was up almost 3%, while shares in Orsted, the Danish wind developer, were up around 5%. Domestic solar First Solar was up 5% while Sunrun, the solar installer, was up almost 1.5%.
“The blue wave improves the federal outlook for renewables, with Democratic leaders pledging to restore wind and solar tax credits if they regain congressional control,” Dumoulin-Smith wrote.
But the Democratic victory does not necessarily mean the end of the war on offshore wind, although it puts the industry’s defenders in a stronger position.
“While a positive development, we believe it is premature to call a renaissance in US offshore wind,” Morningstar analyst Tancrede Fulop wrote in a note to clients.
EV makers not named Tesla
Shares in Rivian were up almost 6%, while Lucid shares were up almost 12%, indicating bullishness for the larger EV sector as Democrats may be able to push for a return to subsidies for electric vehicles or harsher mileage standards while also putting pressure on Elon Musk personally.
The stock market as a whole
The market is up over 1.5%, likely thanks to oil prices dropping.