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Here are three big changes the White House is proposing.

The White House proposed a major overhaul to the country’s guidelines for analyzing regulations and government spending on Thursday. The changes to an incredibly dense, wonky set of documents known as “Circular A-4” and “Circular A-94” would affect how government agencies, like the Environmental Protection Agency, measure the costs and benefits of decisions that have big implications for climate change, like power plant regulations, clean car rules, and highway expansion projects.
It’s hard to overstate the magnitude of the makeover. More than anything, the changes represent a shift in philosophy. The proposed guidelines would change the way the government views and takes into account inequity, not just within the United States but also how U.S. actions affect people in other nations and future generations.
The current documents were also sorely outdated. The government hasn’t updated its instructions for regulatory analysis in 20 years, and the guidance for public investment is more than 30 years old. In the years since, academic thinking on how to conduct cost-benefit analysis has changed, financial markets have changed, and the philosophy of the White House has changed, said Noah Kaufman, a senior research scholar at Columbia University who previously served as a senior economist at the Biden administration’s Council of Economic Advisors.
“There's a lot of disagreement about a lot of what's in here, but pretty much everyone kind of agreed that they needed to be redone,” he said.
The proposal will go through a public comment period before being finalized by the federal Office of Information and Regulatory Affairs.
Cost-benefit analysis is but one consideration in government decision making, and often not the most important one, so Kaufman cautions against reading too much into the changes. Perhaps most significant to him is the overall vibe shift between the old guidance and what the White House released on Thursday. He said the old version reads like it’s written by people who are trying to convince you that there’s a very limited role for the government to play. “The people who worked on this document are far more interested in a more proactive role for how government programs and regulations can help address market failures.”
Here are three big changes the White House is proposing.
The proposed guidance makes a big adjustment to an incredibly complicated, confusing, but consequential number called the discount rate. The discount rate determines how much government analysts weigh distant, future benefits of a policy versus its cost today. A higher discount rate downplays future gains, making it much harder to justify the expense of flood protection infrastructure or rules that limit carbon emissions from power plants.
While the old instructions called for a discount rate between 3% and 7%, the new proposal suggests a dramatically lower rate of 1.7%. This means that when regulators look at the cost to society of putting more carbon in the atmosphere — and they take into account all of the potential future lost lives, reduced crop yields, and damages caused by rising seas — it would look a lot more expensive than it does under the current guidelines. To get a sense of how much more, the Obama administration used a discount rate of 3%, and estimated that the cost of every ton of carbon spewed into the atmosphere was about $51 per ton. The nonprofit research group Resources for the Future estimates that with a 2% discount rate, that number would jump to $185.
The new guidelines encourage agencies to take the global impact of decisions — such as potential lives lost to extreme weather outside the U.S. — into account when conducting a cost-benefit analysis. This is a big deal, according to Paul Kelleher, an associate professor at the University of Wisconsin-Madison who studies the ethics of public policy.
“This probably is an acknowledgement that when Americans emit carbon dioxide, it doesn’t only harm Americans,” Kelleher said. It also incentivizes American policymakers to approach international climate negotiations from a more cooperative standpoint, rather than only being interested in what happens within American borders, he said.
It’s an important, if admittedly wonky, way for the Biden administration to acknowledge the United States’ role in global climate change — suddenly, the lives of billions of people around the world are added to the accounting sheets of government agencies. That means a proposal to, for example, limit tailpipe emissions would appear to have larger financial benefits.
Today, the benefits of a proposed policy are weighed against how much the potential beneficiaries would be willing to pay for it. The problem is the government assumes a dollar means the same thing to everyone. But the value of a dollar to a grocery store clerk is a lot higher than the value of a dollar to, say, Elon Musk.
Under the current system, “climate damages in the poorest parts of the world will be registered as not as serious as climate damages that are much less serious in richer parts, where people’s willingness to pay can be quite high because their ability to pay is higher,” Kelleher said.
The new guidelines allows agencies to use an approach known as “equity-weighting,” or to account for the differential impacts of a given regulation or investment. “Now, instead of just counting up the dollars that people are willing to pay to avoid damages, you try to account for the real effect on wellbeing,” said Kelleher.
Take, for example, a new rule to reduce pollution from power plants, which low-income communities are disproportionately affected by. Under the new system, the financial benefits of such a regulation would appear much higher than they currently do, because more weight would be given to the health rewards and other gains the community would see from that regulation. And because the new guidelines allow analysts to look beyond U.S. borders, the practice of equity-weighting could also account for the disproportionate harms that a poorer country like Bangladesh would face from a warmer planet, significantly raising the cost of emissions.
If this approach is finalized, “it would be a titanic shift in the federal cost-benefit analysis framework,” Kelleher said.
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Even the hardiest are shivering at the price of heating oil.
As leaves begin to turn from green to autumn hues of amber, gold, and brown, New England is preparing for an expensive winter.
While most of the country heats their homes with natural gas or electricity, about 5 million households — overwhelmingly located in the Northeast — use oil. Like diesel and gasoline (both of which have set price records recently) home heating oil is distilled from crude oil, which is currently trading at prices not seen since the early months of the war between the United States, Israel, and Iran.
Benchmark oil prices are over $100 for the first time since the spring as the Iran War grinds forward with no end in sight. Houthi attacks on Saudi oil tankers and infrastructure in and around the Red Sea and continued Ukrainian drone strikes on Russian refineries have put added pressure on U.S. facilities to supply the world with gasoline, jet fuel, and diesel, raising prices domestically. Russia’s own fuel imports reached a record 172,000 metric tons in August, according to an analysis from the Centre for Research on Energy and Clean Air, mostly from South Korea and India, putting further strain on the global market (the country was once the largest exporter of refined products).
The effects have trickled downstream to the distillate market, as well. Diesel prices surged past $6 per gallon on Friday, while retail home heating oil prices in Maine, one of the Northeastern states most dependent on oil to heat homes, are around $5.39, their highest since April. Making matters worse, stocks of distillate fuel oil, which includes heating oil, are at their lowest level for this time of year since the Energy Information Administration started keeping records. The EIA released a new forecast this week projecting that “global production of distillate fuel will remain below last year’s levels in the coming months, contributing to low U.S. diesel inventories and high diesel prices.”
For Mainers and others across New England, that adds up to a hard winter to come.
“As the most heating oil reliant state in the country, Mainers are uniquely impacted by rising and volatile oil prices,” Acting Commissioner of the Maine Department of Energy Resources Celina Cunningham told me in an emailed statement. About half of the state’s residents “still rely on oil as their primary heating fuel,” she told me, even as outgoing Governor Janet Mills has encouraged heat pump adoption. “The cost of heating oil is already more than 60% higher than it was at this time last year,” Cunningham added, “putting added pressure on Maine households as we head into the winter heating season.”
Mark Wolfe, executive director of the National Energy Assistance Directors Association, told me that the total cost of heating a home exclusively on oil will jump from $1,740 to $2,297 this winter. “Families using heating oil will get hit twice — first from gasoline, and then heating oil,” he said.
The price of home heating oil has long been a hot button issue in New England politics, and this year’s slate of Congressional races is no exception. Matt Dunlap, the state auditor and Democratic nominee in Maine’s Trump-voting 2nd Congressional District, told reporters earlier this week while standing in front of a heating oil delivery truck that “right now, families across this district are sitting at their kitchen tables signing their heating oil contracts for the winter and staring at numbers they simply cannot afford.” In keeping with Trump’s recent admonition to pretend he’s on the ballot, Dunlap used the occasion to criticize the president’s foreign policy. The Iran War, Dunlap said, “is not an abstract foreign policy debate. That’s the reason your heating bill this winter could be hundreds of dollars higher than it was last year.”
Susan Collins, the Republican senator running for re-election in Maine, regularly highlights her role in bringing in funding from the Low-Income Home Energy Assistance Program for Mainers, even as staff in charge of administering the program were laid off early in the Trump administration.
To the extent New Englanders can expect any relief, it likely won’t come from the supply dynamics of heating oil — the EIA has upped its price forecast for both this year and 2027. They may, however, simply need less. Thanks to what could be an historically strong El Niño, New England may be in for a warmer (albeit wetter) winter than usual.
Talking about the data center backlash, the midterm elections, and the future of renewables with Columbia Law School’s Romany Webb.
This week’s conversation is a quick catch-up with our friends at Columbia Law School’s Sabin Center for Climate Change Law. I hopped on the phone with the center’s deputy director Romany Webb to chat about recent updates they published to anti-renewables opposition analysis. I wanted to dig into their research beyond the toplines — what should people care about in the coming election? How have data centers come up in their research? Or the repeal of the Inflation Reduction Act?
The following conversation was lightly edited for clarity.
Let’s start with the updates. Walk me through what’s new in your research.
So, we published two-year reports that detail renewable energy opposition across the United States; one is our report we’ve published since 2021 and it’s a new edition, and the other is an update of a report we published a few years ago on false claims about renewable energy where we highlight the misinformed used against projects.
This year’s local opposition report found local opposition continues to be widespread and really endemic. There’s been opposition to renewable energy development in every state across the country and we’re seeing it still have a real impact on whether projects get built. But there are small glimmers of hope. We identified 70 new state and local restrictions, which was a decline from previous years — that’s notable.
In select states where there have been a lot of these local restrictions, we’ve seen a drop off, like in Michigan after they enacted their state siting law. These are encouraging signs, and obviously it’s still early days, but it shows some of these state reforms are having a positive impact.
How is data center opposition coming up in your research?
Our reports do not track opposition to data center development. But we do certainly hear anecdotally that debates over data center development are spilling over into debates over renewable energy and battery storage. Often, local communities express concern that these new projects are just being built to power data centers — in some cases when there’s no connection at all, really. But I don’t have data on that link.
You said the law Michigan enacted might be working. Do you know if these laws limiting local opposition actually help with fighting renewable energy opponents, or are they engendering their own backlashes that undermine their effectiveness?
I think it’s too early to say the impacts they’ll have over the medium to long term. In the near term, many of the laws have been successful in accelerating the permitting of renewable energy projects or making it easier for them to be approved. Recent data out of New York shows that many of the projects that have gone through the new siting process are being approved — they’re still fairly long but they’re consistent which is good for development. In other places we’ve seen efforts to limit local government’s ability to adopt restrictions on renewable energy development, like Illinois and Michigan.
Those laws are relatively new, but the data we have shows that drop-off. It suggests the intended effect. But we need more time to know how effective they are and some of those laws have been getting quite a bit of pushback. There’s been a myriad of bills enacted in state legislatures across the country that would roll back those recent reforms or impose new restrictions on renewable development.
How much does the coming midterm election matter for the future of opposition to renewable energy?
I do think the next election will have important implications on whether we continue to see the ever-growing number of state level restrictions adopted or if we see a shift there.
Even if we see a shift in the composition of legislatures, I do think we’ll continue to see community opposition in many places to these projects. We shouldn’t ignore that developing a solar or wind project does have impacts on the local community and so developers really need to take steps to mitigate and manage those impacts.
If they don’t they’ll face the opposition, and even if they are they may face it because of misinformation around these projects.
My last question is, to what extent did the repeal of the IRA impact the ability for local opposition to kill projects in the crib?
I can’t say that definitively. I certainly don’t have the data that would support that sort of claim. And we don’t track that, specifically.
But often, groups that are opposed to renewable energy development will express concerns about the costs of projects or emphasize projects may not be viable without government subsidies. So the rollback of tax credits under the IRA plays into that argument. Of course when you look at the data, renewable energy projects are cheaper and the argument doesn’t hold muster.
But it’s an argument we regularly see pushed by opposition groups. That is how we have seen the IRA repeal affect this.
A developer sues an Arkansas paper, plus more of the week’s biggest development fights.
1. Pulaski County, Arkansas – A major utility sued the biggest newspaper in Arkansas over reporting on a data center energy deal. It’s a crucial case to follow.
2. Lackawanna County, Pennsylvania – Speaking of hardcore legal strategies, have you ever heard of a data center developer asking every local official to recuse themselves?
3. Loudon County, Virginia – Data Center Alley is giving us our first real glimpse of what data center legislating could look like if Democrats control at least one chamber of Congress.
4. Lane County, Oregon – The second largest city in Oregon is now turning down data centers, just as the governor starts saying no to anything on state land.