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The GOP says no to the jobs and growth of the future.

The Republican-controlled House is struggling to figure out what to do with its control of the chamber. GOP representatives are sure they want to take the debt ceiling hostage, but they have thus far presented no list of demands because they can’t agree on what they want.
However, they did recently pass an energy policy bill, in the form of a repeal of several provisions of President Biden’s signature Inflation Reduction Act (IRA), plus some deregulation of environmental protections. It would delete the EPA’s $27 billion Greenhouse Gas Reduction Fund as well as a new incentive for efficient appliances, and remove new fees on oil and gas drillers. Many parts of the environmental review process would be removed (as compared to Democrats, who want to speed it up with more money and staffing).
In short, it would increase production of carbon fuels, delay the energy transition, cause more environmental damage, and harm the green energy industry. The package is dead on arrival in the Senate, and President Biden has already promised to veto it as well. But it’s still a good window into the thinking, or more specifically the incoherent oppositional defiance disorder attempting to resemble thinking, that dominates the Republican worldview.
The bill is so senseless that many of the backfilled arguments from Republicans in favor of it can be read, verbatim, as criticisms. Representative Bruce Westerman of Arkansas, chair of the Natural Resources Committee, claimed that his bill would reverse the damage of the IRA, which has caused “more dependence on the worst polluters in the world.”
Yet this is precisely what the Republican bill would accomplish. As I have previously written, the bender of oil and gas infrastructure construction under Obama and Trump got America hooked on cheap oil and natural gas — which put us all at the mercy of global market trends, even for natural gas thanks to rapid construction of liquified natural gas (LNG) export terminals. Big fossil fuel companies don’t frack Pennsylvania and Texas into Swiss cheese out of some sense of patriotic duty. If they can make a nickel shipping that gas to Europe where the price is higher, they will do it, and have done so over the past year because Putin cut back gas supplies to the continent.
If the U.S. had conducted a crash energy transition during the 2010s, accelerating the rollout of zero-carbon electricity, industrial processes, electric vehicles, and so on, today it would have a lot less dependence on foreign sources of energy controlled by insane dictators. It follows that slowing down the transition would directly benefit Vladimir Putin and Mohammad bin Salman. Europe has learned the same lesson even more painfully (though to their credit they are making up for lost time).
Then there is the international angle. “We just found that a majority of [Democrats] are so extreme that they would rather stand with China and Russia than with the American energy worker,” said Speaker of the House Kevin McCarthy. The IRA will “wreck our own economy, sending our wealth and jobs overseas,” said Westerman. But the explicit intention of the IRA is to stand up a cutting-edge clean technology and energy sector in America itself and in friendly countries. China currently dominates most of this sector thanks in part to mercantilist policies and savvy past investments. The IRA is designed to change the dynamic, so as to reduce dependency on a hostile dictatorship, create jobs in the U.S., and increase redundancy in the supply chain.
More broadly, it’s obvious that the technological frontier for the next couple decades will be all about harnessing green energy. Wind and solar are now the cheapest energy source in human history, which is opening up new innovative possibilities in core industries that were thought to be mature decades ago. We’ve got new companies combining dirt-cheap renewable energy with clever new processes to produce zero-carbon steel, sucking carbon dioxide out of the air and putting it in concrete, and revolutionizing everything from paper to food production to smelting with renewable-powered thermal batteries — and this new industrial revolution has barely gotten started.
This kind of thing is going to be where the growth and jobs of the future are created. If all goes well, the IRA will put the United States and its allies at the forefront of real technological innovation — as opposed to over-hyped Silicon Valley garbage — with attendant domestic production and jobs.
But if Republicans win power anytime soon, they’ll likely tear it all up. While this current bill doesn’t repeal the tax credits that are the core of the IRA, the GOP is clearly gunning for them. Republican Representative Andy Ogles of Tennessee has introduced a bill repealing the entire thing. “It’s the beginning of starting to roll back some of those things,” his colleague Jeff Duncan, Republican congressman of South Carolina, told E&E News. “It’s the first bite of the apple here … it’s just the beginning.”
The underlying premise of the GOP’s position here is that Biden, no doubt influenced by a Soros-led Cultural Marxism conspiracy, has strangled American oil and gas production to punish red-blooded Real Americans who have no choice but to drive MRAPs to work. The reality, once again, is the exact opposite. Under Biden, America remains the largest producer of oil and gas in the world, and he has approved drilling leases on federal land faster than Trump did — including the huge Willow project in Alaska most recently.
To be clear, this is bad for the reasons detailed above. One would think the fact that Republicans give Democrats no credit for doing what they want, and instead accuse them of doing the opposite, might prompt Democrats to stop appeasing them, but never mind.
It’s honestly a bit baffing why Republicans are so resistant to the technology of the future, given how much of the new investment is going into red states. At a guess, it’s down to Republicans’ long history of climate denial, belief that renewable energy is hippie stuff, reflexive opposition to everything Democrats do regardless of what it is, and above all their increasing lack of traditional policy goals. The party is frantic with excitement over vindictive culture war red meat like stomping on LGBT people, banning books, and installing Donald Trump as president for life, but their eyes glaze over when anyone starts talking about the electric grid.
In any case, for now the Inflation Reduction Act is secure. But Democrats shouldn’t sit on their hands. In recent poll commissioned by Heatmap, 63 percent of respondents — including 53 percent of Democrats — said they knew “not much” or “nothing” about the IRA. Forty-five percent had no idea about the clean vehicle credit, 50 percent of the residential clean energy credit, and 44 percent of the energy efficiency credit. Clean energy policies are popular, but only if people know they exist.
If more is done to publicize the IRA, in time perhaps Republicans will come to accept what’s best for the country.
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According to a new analysis shared exclusively with Heatmap, coal’s equipment-related outage rate is about twice as high as wind’s.
The Trump administration wants “beautiful clean coal” to return to its place of pride on the electric grid because, it says, wind and solar are just too unreliable. “If we want to keep the lights on and prevent blackouts from happening, then we need to keep our coal plants running. Affordable, reliable and secure energy sources are common sense,” Chris Wright said on X in July, in what has become a steady drumbeat from the administration that has sought to subsidize coal and put a regulatory straitjacket around solar and (especially) wind.
This has meant real money spent in support of existing coal plants. The administration’s emergency order to keep Michigan’s J.H. Campbell coal plant open (“to secure grid reliability”), for example, has cost ratepayers served by Michigan utility Consumers Energy some $80 million all on its own.
But … how reliable is coal, actually? According to an analysis by the Environmental Defense Fund of data from the North American Electric Reliability Corporation, a nonprofit that oversees reliability standards for the grid, coal has the highest “equipment-related outage rate” — essentially, the percentage of time a generator isn’t working because of some kind of mechanical or other issue related to its physical structure — among coal, hydropower, natural gas, nuclear, and wind. Coal’s outage rate was over 12%. Wind’s was about 6.6%.
“When EDF’s team isolated just equipment-related outages, wind energy proved far more reliable than coal, which had the highest outage rate of any source NERC tracks,” EDF told me in an emailed statement.
Coal’s reliability has, in fact, been decreasing, Oliver Chapman, a research analyst at EDF, told me.
NERC has attributed this falling reliability to the changing role of coal in the energy system. Reliability “negatively correlates most strongly to capacity factor,” or how often the plant is running compared to its peak capacity. The data also “aligns with industry statements indicating that reduced investment in maintenance and abnormal cycling that are being adopted primarily in response to rapid changes in the resource mix are negatively impacting baseload coal unit performance.” In other words, coal is struggling to keep up with its changing role in the energy system. That’s due not just to the growth of solar and wind energy, which are inherently (but predictably) variable, but also to natural gas’s increasing prominence on the grid.
“When coal plants are having to be a bit more varied in their generation, we're seeing that wear and tear of those plants is increasing,” Chapman said. “The assumption is that that's only going to go up in future years.”
The issue for any plan to revitalize the coal industry, Chapman told me, is that the forces driving coal into this secondary role — namely the economics of running aging plants compared to natural gas and renewables — do not seem likely to reverse themselves any time soon.
Coal has been “sort of continuously pushed a bit more to the sidelines by renewables and natural gas being cheaper sources for utilities to generate their power. This increased marginalization is going to continue to lead to greater wear and tear on these plants,” Chapman said.
But with electricity demand increasing across the country, coal is being forced into a role that it might not be able to easily — or affordably — play, all while leading to more emissions of sulfur dioxide, nitrogen oxide, particulate matter, mercury, and, of course, carbon dioxide.
The coal system has been beset by a number of high-profile outages recently, including at the largest new coal plant in the country, Sandy Creek in Texas, which could be offline until early 2027, according to the Texas energy market ERCOT and the Institute for Energy Economics and Financial Analysis.
In at least one case, coal’s reliability issues were cited as a reason to keep another coal generating unit open past its planned retirement date.
Last month, Colorado Representative Will Hurd wrote a letter to the Department of Energy asking for emergency action to keep Unit 2 of the Comanche coal plant in Pueblo, Colorado open past its scheduled retirement at the end of his year. Hurd cited “mechanical and regulatory constraints” for the larger Unit 3 as a justification for keeping Unit 2 open, to fill in the generation gap left by the larger unit. In a filing by Xcel and several Colorado state energy officials also requesting delaying the retirement of Unit 2, they disclosed that the larger Unit 3 “experienced an unplanned outage and is offline through at least June 2026.”
Reliability issues aside, high electricity demand may turn into short-term profits at all levels of the coal industry, from the miners to the power plants.
At the same time the Trump administration is pushing coal plants to stay open past their scheduled retirement, the Energy Information Administration is forecasting that natural gas prices will continue to rise, which could lead to increased use of coal for electricity generation. The EIA forecasts that the 2025 average price of natural gas for power plants will rise 37% from 2024 levels.
Analysts at S&P Global Commodity Insights project “a continued rebound in thermal coal consumption throughout 2026 as thermal coal prices remain competitive with short-term natural gas prices encouraging gas-to-coal switching,” S&P coal analyst Wendy Schallom told me in an email.
“Stronger power demand, rising natural gas prices, delayed coal retirements, stockpiles trending lower, and strong thermal coal exports are vital to U.S. coal revival in 2025 and 2026.”
And we’re all going to be paying the price.
Rural Marylanders have asked for the president’s help to oppose the data center-related development — but so far they haven’t gotten it.
A transmission line in Maryland is pitting rural conservatives against Big Tech in a way that highlights the growing political sensitivities of the data center backlash. Opponents of the project want President Trump to intervene, but they’re worried he’ll ignore them — or even side with the data center developers.
The Piedmont Reliability Project would connect the Peach Bottom nuclear plant in southern Pennsylvania to electricity customers in northern Virginia, i.e.data centers, most likely. To get from A to B, the power line would have to criss-cross agricultural lands between Baltimore, Maryland and the Washington D.C. area.
As we chronicle time and time again in The Fight, residents in farming communities are fighting back aggressively – protesting, petitioning, suing and yelling loudly. Things have gotten so tense that some are refusing to let representatives for Piedmont’s developer, PSEG, onto their properties, and a court battle is currently underway over giving the company federal marshal protection amid threats from landowners.
Exacerbating the situation is a quirk we don’t often deal with in The Fight. Unlike energy generation projects, which are usually subject to local review, transmission sits entirely under the purview of Maryland’s Public Service Commission, a five-member board consisting entirely of Democrats appointed by current Governor Wes Moore – a rumored candidate for the 2028 Democratic presidential nomination. It’s going to be months before the PSC formally considers the Piedmont project, and it likely won’t issue a decision until 2027 – a date convenient for Moore, as it’s right after he’s up for re-election. Moore last month expressed “concerns” about the project’s development process, but has brushed aside calls to take a personal position on whether it should ultimately be built.
Enter a potential Trump card that could force Moore’s hand. In early October, commissioners and state legislators representing Carroll County – one of the farm-heavy counties in Piedmont’s path – sent Trump a letter requesting that he intervene in the case before the commission. The letter followed previous examples of Trump coming in to kill planned projects, including the Grain Belt Express transmission line and a Tennessee Valley Authority gas plant in Tennessee that was relocated after lobbying from a country rock musician.
One of the letter’s lead signatories was Kenneth Kiler, president of the Carroll County Board of Commissioners, who told me this lobbying effort will soon expand beyond Trump to the Agriculture and Energy Departments. He’s hoping regulators weigh in before PJM, the regional grid operator overseeing Mid-Atlantic states. “We’re hoping they go to PJM and say, ‘You’re supposed to be managing the grid, and if you were properly managing the grid you wouldn’t need to build a transmission line through a state you’re not giving power to.’”
Part of the reason why these efforts are expanding, though, is that it’s been more than a month since they sent their letter, and they’ve heard nothing but radio silence from the White House.
“My worry is that I think President Trump likes and sees the need for data centers. They take a lot of water and a lot of electric [power],” Kiler, a Republican, told me in an interview. “He’s conservative, he values property rights, but I’m not sure that he’s not wanting data centers so badly that he feels this request is justified.”
Kiler told me the plan to kill the transmission line centers hinges on delaying development long enough that interest rates, inflation and rising demand for electricity make it too painful and inconvenient to build it through his resentful community. It’s easy to believe the federal government flexing its muscle here would help with that, either by drawing out the decision-making or employing some other as yet unforeseen stall tactic. “That’s why we’re doing this second letter to the Secretary of Agriculture and Secretary of Energy asking them for help. I think they may be more sympathetic than the president,” Kiler said.
At the moment, Kiler thinks the odds of Piedmont’s construction come down to a coin flip – 50-50. “They’re running straight through us for data centers. We want this project stopped, and we’ll fight as well as we can, but it just seems like ultimately they’re going to do it,” he confessed to me.
Thus is the predicament of the rural Marylander. On the one hand, Kiler’s situation represents a great opportunity for a GOP president to come in and stand with his base against a would-be presidential candidate. On the other, data center development and artificial intelligence represent one of the president’s few economic bright spots, and he has dedicated copious policy attention to expanding growth in this precise avenue of the tech sector. It’s hard to imagine something less “energy dominance” than killing a transmission line.
The White House did not respond to a request for comment.
Plus more of the week’s most important fights around renewable energy.
1. Wayne County, Nebraska – The Trump administration fined Orsted during the government shutdown for allegedly killing bald eagles at two of its wind projects, the first indications of financial penalties for energy companies under Trump’s wind industry crackdown.
2. Ocean County, New Jersey – Speaking of wind, I broke news earlier this week that one of the nation’s largest renewable energy projects is now deceased: the Leading Light offshore wind project.
3. Dane County, Wisconsin – The fight over a ginormous data center development out here is turning into perhaps one of the nation’s most important local conflicts over AI and land use.
4. Hardeman County, Texas – It’s not all bad news today for renewable energy – because it never really is.