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The GOP says no to the jobs and growth of the future.

The Republican-controlled House is struggling to figure out what to do with its control of the chamber. GOP representatives are sure they want to take the debt ceiling hostage, but they have thus far presented no list of demands because they can’t agree on what they want.
However, they did recently pass an energy policy bill, in the form of a repeal of several provisions of President Biden’s signature Inflation Reduction Act (IRA), plus some deregulation of environmental protections. It would delete the EPA’s $27 billion Greenhouse Gas Reduction Fund as well as a new incentive for efficient appliances, and remove new fees on oil and gas drillers. Many parts of the environmental review process would be removed (as compared to Democrats, who want to speed it up with more money and staffing).
In short, it would increase production of carbon fuels, delay the energy transition, cause more environmental damage, and harm the green energy industry. The package is dead on arrival in the Senate, and President Biden has already promised to veto it as well. But it’s still a good window into the thinking, or more specifically the incoherent oppositional defiance disorder attempting to resemble thinking, that dominates the Republican worldview.
The bill is so senseless that many of the backfilled arguments from Republicans in favor of it can be read, verbatim, as criticisms. Representative Bruce Westerman of Arkansas, chair of the Natural Resources Committee, claimed that his bill would reverse the damage of the IRA, which has caused “more dependence on the worst polluters in the world.”
Yet this is precisely what the Republican bill would accomplish. As I have previously written, the bender of oil and gas infrastructure construction under Obama and Trump got America hooked on cheap oil and natural gas — which put us all at the mercy of global market trends, even for natural gas thanks to rapid construction of liquified natural gas (LNG) export terminals. Big fossil fuel companies don’t frack Pennsylvania and Texas into Swiss cheese out of some sense of patriotic duty. If they can make a nickel shipping that gas to Europe where the price is higher, they will do it, and have done so over the past year because Putin cut back gas supplies to the continent.
If the U.S. had conducted a crash energy transition during the 2010s, accelerating the rollout of zero-carbon electricity, industrial processes, electric vehicles, and so on, today it would have a lot less dependence on foreign sources of energy controlled by insane dictators. It follows that slowing down the transition would directly benefit Vladimir Putin and Mohammad bin Salman. Europe has learned the same lesson even more painfully (though to their credit they are making up for lost time).
Then there is the international angle. “We just found that a majority of [Democrats] are so extreme that they would rather stand with China and Russia than with the American energy worker,” said Speaker of the House Kevin McCarthy. The IRA will “wreck our own economy, sending our wealth and jobs overseas,” said Westerman. But the explicit intention of the IRA is to stand up a cutting-edge clean technology and energy sector in America itself and in friendly countries. China currently dominates most of this sector thanks in part to mercantilist policies and savvy past investments. The IRA is designed to change the dynamic, so as to reduce dependency on a hostile dictatorship, create jobs in the U.S., and increase redundancy in the supply chain.
More broadly, it’s obvious that the technological frontier for the next couple decades will be all about harnessing green energy. Wind and solar are now the cheapest energy source in human history, which is opening up new innovative possibilities in core industries that were thought to be mature decades ago. We’ve got new companies combining dirt-cheap renewable energy with clever new processes to produce zero-carbon steel, sucking carbon dioxide out of the air and putting it in concrete, and revolutionizing everything from paper to food production to smelting with renewable-powered thermal batteries — and this new industrial revolution has barely gotten started.
This kind of thing is going to be where the growth and jobs of the future are created. If all goes well, the IRA will put the United States and its allies at the forefront of real technological innovation — as opposed to over-hyped Silicon Valley garbage — with attendant domestic production and jobs.
But if Republicans win power anytime soon, they’ll likely tear it all up. While this current bill doesn’t repeal the tax credits that are the core of the IRA, the GOP is clearly gunning for them. Republican Representative Andy Ogles of Tennessee has introduced a bill repealing the entire thing. “It’s the beginning of starting to roll back some of those things,” his colleague Jeff Duncan, Republican congressman of South Carolina, told E&E News. “It’s the first bite of the apple here … it’s just the beginning.”
The underlying premise of the GOP’s position here is that Biden, no doubt influenced by a Soros-led Cultural Marxism conspiracy, has strangled American oil and gas production to punish red-blooded Real Americans who have no choice but to drive MRAPs to work. The reality, once again, is the exact opposite. Under Biden, America remains the largest producer of oil and gas in the world, and he has approved drilling leases on federal land faster than Trump did — including the huge Willow project in Alaska most recently.
To be clear, this is bad for the reasons detailed above. One would think the fact that Republicans give Democrats no credit for doing what they want, and instead accuse them of doing the opposite, might prompt Democrats to stop appeasing them, but never mind.
It’s honestly a bit baffing why Republicans are so resistant to the technology of the future, given how much of the new investment is going into red states. At a guess, it’s down to Republicans’ long history of climate denial, belief that renewable energy is hippie stuff, reflexive opposition to everything Democrats do regardless of what it is, and above all their increasing lack of traditional policy goals. The party is frantic with excitement over vindictive culture war red meat like stomping on LGBT people, banning books, and installing Donald Trump as president for life, but their eyes glaze over when anyone starts talking about the electric grid.
In any case, for now the Inflation Reduction Act is secure. But Democrats shouldn’t sit on their hands. In recent poll commissioned by Heatmap, 63 percent of respondents — including 53 percent of Democrats — said they knew “not much” or “nothing” about the IRA. Forty-five percent had no idea about the clean vehicle credit, 50 percent of the residential clean energy credit, and 44 percent of the energy efficiency credit. Clean energy policies are popular, but only if people know they exist.
If more is done to publicize the IRA, in time perhaps Republicans will come to accept what’s best for the country.
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The data center boom is everywhere you look in U.S. economic and emissions data.
This is an edition of Heatmap Daily, an evening review of the day’s news written by our executive editor. Sign up for it here.
It isn’t exactly a new thought, but I’ve been struck recently by how many trends in America’s economic and environmental data are fundamentally about the data center boom and the return of electricity demand:
First, the Energy Information Administration reported this week that U.S. emissions grew by more than 2% last year, driven by surging electricity demand and an increase in coal-fired generation. What caused that higher power demand? New factories and data centers — as well as record summertime cooling demand.
Second, many of the new factories driving that higher power demand are themselves producing goods that are … let’s say … data center-adjacent. There are the enormous new semiconductor fabs, of course. But Ford and General Motors have also set up new production lines (or repurposed old ones) to manufacture grid-scale batteries to meet power demand.
Third, take a look at the recent U.S. spending on private non-residential construction — in other words, everything American companies are building that is not houses, condos, or apartments.
The construction industry’s spent almost $60 billion on data centers over the past year, which is more than it spent on all other office buildings combined (and more than it spent building warehouses, too). Just a handful of categories — data centers, power plants, electricity infrastructure, and certain kinds of electronics manufacturing — now make up a third of all U.S. private non-residential construction investment. They’ve never made up such a large share of construction spending since data collection began in 2014.
As The New York Times recently noted, the American economy is unusually dependent on the American stock market right now — and the stock market is unusually dependent on artificial intelligence. This week, investors started to balk at the enormous spending hyperscalers are planning to keep building out the AI boom; Alphabet’s shares dropped 8% this week after it boosted its planned 2026 capital expenditure and signaled 2027 will be even bigger. If the data center boom started to slow down in earnest, then more than just that budget will change.
Speaking of which, my colleague Emily Pontecorvo wrote earlier this week about how many businesses are struggling to even estimate their carbon emissions from artificial intelligence. The carbon accounting startup Watershed recently unveiled a new formula to help companies get a sense of their AI-related emissions.
But even that formula is still limited by the amount of data hyperscalers publish — and they don’t publish that much. Google, for instance, is the only AI company that has (laudably) provided estimates of its emissions on a per-prompt basis. Yet no company has published its per-token emissions, or how emissions sync up with particular models or regions.
So Emily asked Google: Why aren’t you — or any other model provider — disclosing this kind of data yet?
The tech company didn’t get back to us until after we’d published Emily’s story. But its response was interesting enough that I wanted to quote some of it here.
The problem is “industry consensus,” Cooper Elsworth, a Google spokesperson, told us. “There is currently very little consensus on how to comprehensively and fairly measure the serving environmental impact of generative AI (such as text generation),” he wrote. “Without standardized, ‘apples-to-apples’ frameworks, it is difficult to compare different providers accurately.”
That’s partly because energy use — and emissions data — can vary from site to site and depend on “custom-built hardware, software compilers, and advanced inference techniques.” And he claimed Google doesn’t always have the measurement hardware in place to provide such specific estimates: “Providing precise, repeatable data requires highly advanced measurement infrastructure,” he said. “For example, software-based energy monitoring tools often suffer from sampling biases. For our study, we had to step away from top-down averages and directly measure actual energy at the physical power supply unit (PSU) level across our deployed fleet. Not all providers have the telemetry or data sets required to benchmark their operations at this level of granularity.”
Read Emily’s story to understand the other reasons why estimating — or even “guesstimating” — AI-related carbon emissions is so challenging.
A conversation with Emma Uridge of the Kansas Health Institute.
This week’s conversation is with Emma Uridge, analyst with the Kansas Health Institute. Uridge spent copious hours analyzing state and local laws on data center development to best understand how policymakers are responding to the potential environmental public health impacts of large AI infrastructure, including power and water. The report, which came out this week, also goes in depth into those health impacts. I reached out to her to discuss what she sees as must-watch territory for our readers on this emerging policy arena.
Our conversation was lightly edited for clarity.
What is actually being done on policy when it comes to data centers — beyond moratoria of course?
So first I’d like to just talk about the point of moratoria. It’s helpful to talk about how these policies emerge in the first place. One area where moratoria are helpful is when a data center is proposed but the county has no approach for how they’d like to potentially regulate them. That’s temporary, most of the time. It lets local governments conduct research on the various impacts and also negotiate community benefits, ones that can mitigate any potential negative impacts — like Lancaster Pennsylvania, which instituted a community benefit agreement that maximized the potential benefits of development while mitigating what large data centers can do. That agreement looked at capping municipal water use at 20,000 gallons per day and requiring 100% clean energy. It had financial penalties for non-compliance. The company also committed $20 million to their local economic development and clean energy fund. There are ways to negotiate with developers.
We also see amendments to existing zoning. Data center proposals are increasingly popping up in rural areas, many of which are unzoned, so there’s no way a county can negotiate unless there’s a moratorium in place.
Other policy solutions include different performance standards or requiring on-site renewable energy, like what Jefferson County, Missouri, looked at. Also setback requirements, mandatory noise buffers, ending by-right zoning.
Where are local governments getting ideas for regulating data centers?
A lot of the technical information comes from developers. That can in cases be seen as a biased source of information. I wouldn’t say there’s a dedicated group providing assistance to local governments when a project is proposed — which is a similar story to wind industry development, where we have only a handful of consultants who provide technical advice. It can be really helpful to get a multi-disciplinary approach to hearing information. It can be helpful to have the utility commission, public health folks, those in academia, as well as the developer.
As of right now, especially in rural areas, local governments have a hard task of balancing pushback while getting the most accurate, evidence-based, neutral information to make decisions. That balance can be contentious.
What is the federal government doing on data center policy? How is the Trump administration approaching it?
A few things there. In the early days, the drive was for AI expansion and to be competitive with foreign adversaries. Now due to the amount of public pushback in red and blue localities and a more cautious approach.
I’m not seeing a lot of actual policy movement at this time.
I know the EPA is looking at the chemicals used in cooling data centers because when that water is cycled through the system, some of it is discharged into the water system, so they’re looking at the Toxic Substances and Control Act for monitoring that.
How much of an impact does this minimal federal role have on industry behavior?
Y’know, this isn’t specific to data centers. This is true for all kinds of large-scale development: there’s a need to require some sort of federal monitoring and regulation.
That’s where I see an emerging role for public health. At the federal level, there could be policy movement towards requiring some sort of environmental monitoring at data centers to make sure they’re operating responsibility. Looking at specific water use relative to water availability and what happens when there’s a time of severe, persistent drought. With air quality too — we’ve seen areas where the grid isn’t as reliable so their diesel generators are kicking on more and affecting air quality for residents.
We’re just not seeing all of that right now. We need corporate disclosure.
What do you see as the most important public health impacts from data center development?
It varies by localities. The most discussed obviously is water usage. One thing I’d note about my conversations with folks enthusiastic around emerging tech is, there are still questions that need to be asked about the capacity of localities to support a data center. Like a small town in Kansas may only be using 40% of their water for their utility needs. If a data center came online, how much of that water goes to the data center?
One area underexplored within the public health discipline is energy poverty and energy security. The ability of a household to meet the needs of everything energy provides in our lives. It’s known we have an aging electric grid but we’re not talking enough about large-scale blackouts when the grid is not sufficient to support some of these new data centers.
Plus more of the week’s big development fights.
1. Laramie County, Wyoming — Meta is fighting the fine it received in the Cheyenne data center water pollution controversy, and the conflict between the tech giant and the city’s small board of public utilities is continuing to spill out into the public.
2. Niagara County, New York — This county just rejected a solar project’s highway work permits in a show of retaliation against the state’s Office of Renewable Energy Siting.
3. Barron County, Wisconsin — The anti-solar protest is the new campaign stop in deep red Wisconsin.
4. Chesapeake, Virginia — A large battery storage project on the Virginia coastline is on the rocks amidst rampant local opposition.
5. Lewis County, West Virginia — West Virginia is now a key battleground in the fight over transmission, as a line spanning all of West Virginia and Maryland — and cutting through Data Center Alley in Virginia — causes compounding consternation.