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Congratulations to Mati Carbon, an enhanced rock weathering startup that works with farmers in India.

Mati Carbon, a startup that spreads rock dust on small farms in India to increase the land’s ability to suck carbon from the air, was awarded the $50 million grand prize in the Carbon Removal XPRIZE contest on Wednesday.
More than 1,000 teams initially registered for the four year-long competition, which Elon Musk bankrolled in 2021. The goal was to challenge scientists and entrepreneurs to scale new solutions to remove the carbon already blanketing the planet.
To win, entrants had to demonstrate that they’d removed at least 1,000 tons of CO2 from the atmosphere during the final year of the contest, and that the carbon would be locked away for at least 100 years. They also had to make the case to the judges that they had a viable path to scale up their operations to remove a billion tons per year in the future.
The three runners up include NetZero, a French biochar company, Vaulted Deep, which takes carbon-rich waste streams (including sewage) and turns them into a slurry that can be injected underground, and UNDO, which is advancing a similar solution to Mati Carbon but on larger farms in Scotland and Canada.
If you’ve been following the growth of the carbon removal industry, you may notice that none of the winners is building a big contraption to pull carbon from the air, also known as direct air capture. The tech has become a sort of industry poster child due to the public successes of companies like Climeworks and the U.S. federal government pouring billions into direct air capture hubs.
But the engineering, permitting, and construction challenges of direct air capture are more difficult to overcome on a tight timeframe than with other methods. While XPRIZE entrants could pick from many potential carbon removal approaches, and there were some direct air capture teams in the mix, the contest’s rules ultimately favored low-tech solutions that could be deployed quickly.
The winners are more “logistically oriented,” Mike Leitch, XPRIZE’s senior technical lead, told me, meaning their main challenges are sourcing and moving around large volumes of material like rocks, biomass, and waste.
Mati Carbon and UNDO, for example, take a naturally occurring, abundant type of rock called basalt, crush it up, and spread it on farmland — a process known as enhanced rock weathering. In doing so, they are speeding up the natural process by which carbon dioxide and water combine in the atmosphere, fall to earth as rain, and react with minerals, breaking them down and transforming the carbon into a form that can’t easily be released. Basalt is a particularly reactive rock, and crushing it into a fine powder makes it even more reactive. Applying it to farms — where there is already a lot of carbon dissolved in water present in the soil — also speeds the process. It’s a win-win for farmers, since basalt is rich in nutrients like calcium, magnesium, and potassium that plants use to grow.
Measuring precisely how much carbon enhanced rock weathering removes from the atmosphere is more difficult than with a direct air capture plant, but it’s easier to do a lot more of it in a shorter amount of time.
“The thing that knocked out the vast majority of the teams was the deadlines,” Leitch said. Only seven of the 20 finalist teams surpassed the 1,000-ton threshold. In the end, the judges recognized the skewed results and decided to award two $1 million “XFACTOR” prizes to Project Hajar, a partnership to build a direct air capture plant in Oman, and a company called Planetary, which is depositing crushed minerals in the ocean to help it absorb more carbon from the atmosphere.
“We know that we need a diverse portfolio of carbon removal solutions, because they all have different strengths and weaknesses,” Nikki Batchelor, the executive director of the contest, told me. “They have land and water and energy implications, and so we can’t be all in on just one of them, because we’re probably going to run into global limiters for any one of those categories.”
Mati Carbon’s founder and CEO, Shantanu Agarwal, told me he plans to use the prize money to bring enhanced rock weathering to farmers throughout the Global South. “When you get some money, you start dreaming big, right?” he said. “Our objective is 100 million farmers and a gigaton of carbon removal.”
Agarwal started his carbon removal career working on direct air capture and co-founded a company called Sustaera to develop the tech. But he started to realize the energy requirements were going to be a significant challenge and began to doubt it could be a solution in the near term. Around the same time, he had the opportunity to tour smallholder farms in rural India and learned about their vulnerability to drought. He was aware of enhanced rock weathering and thought it might be a way to help these farmers remain viable, as it improves the soil’s ability to retain moisture. Today, Mati Carbon is wholly owned by a nonprofit and shares the revenue it brings in from selling carbon removal credits with its partner farmers.
Leading companies in the enhanced rock weathering field, including Mati, tackle the challenge of measuring how much carbon they have removed by taking tons and tons of soil samples before and after spreading the rocks, and tracking changes in its chemistry. But the science behind calculating the results is still evolving — there are different ideas about how to interpret the changes, and how to model what happens to the carbon down the road.
For the purposes of identifying a winner for the contest, XPRIZE relied on third party experts to verify the carbon claims made by the teams. So it’s important to add a caveat that the claims made by Mati and other companies are subject to the experiences and opinions of the scientists who verified them, Erin Burns, the executive director of the carbon removal advocacy nonprofit Carbon180, told me. “This isn’t settled science, there are ongoing debates,” she said. But she added that she hoped contests like the XPRIZE would help the field reach consensus.
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Rep. Jeff Van Drew was defeated by ... another wind opponent.
Democrat Zack Mullock unseated Representative Jeff Van Drew, one of offshore wind’s biggest foes, on Tuesday night in the race for New Jersey’s second district. But while Mullock is a fan of renewable energy, he’s still a man of the south Jersey shore — and unlikely to be a champion for turbines off his coast.
District 2 encompasses the entire lower quarter of the state, covering six coastal counties from Atlantic City down to the tip of Cape May and around to the Delaware Bay. The area is a hotbed for offshore wind opposition, where groups like Protect our Coasts NJ have filed legal challenges against almost every wind project proposed in the region.
After heading to Congress in 2019, Van Drew, who was previously a Democrat, switched parties and became a key ally to this movement. He called for a moratorium on offshore wind development, held hearings on offshore wind “industrialization”, and requested that the Government Accountability Office investigate the industry. He also worked with the Trump administration to block projects that were under construction.
During a debate in late October, Mullock accused Van Drew of flip flopping on wind, arguing that the congressman was a staunch supporter of the industry during his decade-long tenure in the New Jersey legislature. Mullock, who is currently serving his second term as mayor of the city of Cape May, summed up his own position by citing a resolution he signed in 2023 calling for a moratorium on surveying and acoustic testing for offshore wind development pending an investigation into a spate of whale deaths. He signed it due to “concerns” about the environment and commercial fishing, he said.
“I believe very much in our future with renewable energy,” he said. “We need to go full steam ahead with solar panels. And yes we should do wind where it is appropriate, where it doesn't hurt our environment and it doesn't hurt our commercial fishing industry.”
Mullock’s campaign website says he supports federal investments in renewable energy and incentives for energy-efficient homes. He also wants “stricter enforcement of the Clean Air Act and the Clean Water Act,” and to fund coastal resiliency and other “smart infrastructure” projects that protect against climate impacts. He also campaigned in support of a data center moratorium.
Early signs point to a rough election for AI infrastructure.
We’ve seen enough: If this was the data center election, it was a really bad night for the industry.
Democratic campaigns and their affiliated Super PACs spent bigly on data center-themed attack ads. The ads came in various flavors. Some ads painted a vote for tax cuts as aiding data center developers. Others brought up candidates’ previous support for data centers or stock the candidate may have held in the tech industry or AI infrastructure developers. As Election Day approached, the data center industry sought to bat back claims that their sector’s poor reputation with the electorate would sway the results. People may have soured on their industry, they argued, but people weren’t going to vote based on that position.
Results are still coming in, but so far congressional races heavily featuring these data center attacks are heavily going in Democrats’ favor. In addition, these races have so profoundly shifted that it’ll be challenging for the industry to argue they played no role in the outcome.
Some of the most illustrative examples are obvious. In Georgia, Democrat Keisha Lance Bottoms campaigned on a statewide data center moratorium and won control of the governor’s mansion, becoming the first black woman to ever lead a U.S. state. Similar results in Ohio where Amy Acton flipped party control of the governor’s seat with a campaign that included going hard against data centers. In Pennsylvania, two Democrats who focused on data centers in their races have flipped Republican districts: Scranton mayor Paige Cognetti and firefighter Bob Brooks. In New Jersey, Cape May mayor Zack Mullock rode data center attacks to defeat Rep. Jeff Van Drew, the biggest opponent of the offshore wind industry. In Virginia, Democrat Shannon Taylor rode data center-laden attacks to take control of the Richmond area congressional seat from Rep. Rob Wittman.
If you’re arguing this election was decided by data centers, your best proof point: Democrat Gina Hinojosa has taken control of the governor's mansion in Texas, defeating incumbent Greg Abbott, who’d sought recently to take a hard line against the industry. Hinojosa ran on going further, calling to pass a law completely pausing data center development across one of the industry’s favorite states. She won a decisive victory. So did Democratic Texas Agriculture Commissioner candidate Clayton Tucker, who I explained months ago became one of anti-data center Facebook’s favorite online personalities.
But it makes sense that data centers would matter a lot in Texas, which could be compared to Virginia in terms of their buildout. When you inspect the election results more closely, they tell a more complicated story about the upper boundaries of these data center attacks.
For decades, Greenville and Spartanburg County have been GOP vote strongholds and reliable for both Republican congressional candidates and statewide campaigns. The congressional district gave Donald Trump at least a 20-point cushion in the 2024 presidential election, according to Decision Desk HQ. Last week, I explained for subscribers to The Fight how Courtney McClain, a novice candidate living one mile from a controversial data center proposal, was running against incumbent Rep. William Timmons. I couldn’t find much in the way of online ad spending on either side in this race and it’s never been on the radar of most political observers as a campaign that could somehow flip party control. But the data center debate in Spartanburg County has been immense.
Tonight, Timmons kept his ordinarily ruby red district by slim single digits after running even for most of the night. But this swing was essentially the same as the national margin. And because Timmons didn’t lose, this actually feels like a crucial distinction – data centers were not deciding races themselves in all cases. Democrat Annie Andrews defeated Republican Darlene Graham in a result driven by Democratic overperformance and GOP underperformance in this area, but it’s challenging to tie this result to the data center issue at all. Anything from the economy and the Iran War to Graham’s deceased brother and his baggage could be blamed for this result from this heavily evangelical region.
However, it will be challenging for the data center sector to differentiate themselves from this outcome, especially since a pro-data center Super PAC – Building the Future – publicly waded into the race in support of Graham only to lose. “Darlene Graham’s loss is a black eye for the data center industry,” wrote Teddy Schleifer of The New York Times on election night.
The same story played out in Georgia’s 1st district, which includes the city of Savannah. OpenAI is developing a controversial data center project in Effingham County, northwest of Savannah and the congressional race – which like South Carolina’s 4th had comparatively little spending – has been chock full of data center mudslinging, with the Democrat Amanda Hollowell calling for broader moratoria on development.
Effingham County went for Trump by almost 50 points in 2024. As of this story’s publication, the Republican, Jim Kingston, is winning by a single percentage point with 93% of the vote in. Most of what’s left is in Effington. Should this candidate win, it’s safe to say it’s because voters in this county looked past data centers, or did not link their vote for a national candidate to the local development.
On Election Night, Effingham County formally tabled any decision on the OpenAI data center. So at least on the ground level, people are paying close attention to these results.
After taking two seats in a special election last year, the party gained a third in the midterms.
Democrats claimed two seats on the Georgia Public Service Commission in a special election last year, ending almost 20 years of unanimous Republican control over the regulator.
One of those winning Democrats, Peter Hubbard, ran again this year for a full six-year term in a rematch against Republican Fitz Johnson. The other open seat this year saw Sheila Edwards running in an open race against Republican Josh Tolbert.
Both Hubbard and Edwads won, securing a 3–2 Democratic majority on the Public Service Commission.
“Over the last 12 months, Georgian consumers have made one thing clear: They are tired of rising utility bills and they are hungry to see change. Georgia’s sea change moment for energy policy has arrived,” Charles Hua, the executive director of the utility-focused advocacy group PowerLines, told me.
The Democrats have not been shy about what their priorities will be on the commission.
“Winning control of the Georgia Public Service Commission means prioritizing lowering power bills instead of constantly increasing corporate profits, ramping up the deployment of clean energy technologies, and focusing the people in our decision-making as state regulators,” Hubbard said in a statement on his website.
Edwards, for her part, made it clear where she stands on data centers specifically in an October debate with Tolbert. “They came into our communities,” Edwards said. “They didn’t pay any taxes. They are using our water, using our electricity, and they’re being a public nuisance to the communities that they’re coming into.”
Hubbard also talked about data centers on Heatmap’s Shift Key podcast back in June. “I advocate for a whole-of-government approach, because while the Public Service Commission really only has oversight over the power side of things — where that power comes from and how much data centers are paying on their tariff — there’s much larger issues in terms of water use, in terms of the tax incentives,” he told my colleague Robinson Meyer. “The estimate is $3.5 billion in tax abatements this year in Georgia, uncollected revenue that data centers otherwise would be willing to pay.”
The race has seen outsize spending and interest from major figures not accustomed to dealing in utility regulator races. (Just 10 states have elected utility commissions, period.) Kamala Harris appeared at a virtual fundraiser for the Democratic candidates in Georgia, as well as Democratic hopefuls to the Arizona Corporation Commission. The solar energy industry spent hundreds of thousands of dollars in support of the Democrats in Georgia. Meanwhile, anonymous donors pumped millions of dollars into Tolbert’s bid.
Democrats swept into the Georgia PSC last year on a wave of dissatisfaction with rising electricity prices, especially rate hikes attached to the construction of two new nuclear reactors at the Vogtle Electric Generating Plant, which ran years behind schedule and billions of dollars over budget. In the runup to the election, the PSC approved a three-year base rate freeze proposed by Georgia Power in an attempt to head off public dissatisfaction.
In the past year, rates in Georgia have gone up by less than 1% across the state on average, according to the Heatmap-MIT Electricity Price Hub, while rates are up over 18% in the last three years and over 6% in the past two years.
Shares in Southern Company, the parent company of Georgia Power, were down slightly more than 0.5% in after-hours trading Tuesday night.