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Climate

The Future of Nuclear Fusion Is Clear — Legally, At Least

Now we just need a working commercial reactor.

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A bald eagle gripping an atom.
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After decades of research and billions of dollars in funding, nuclear fusion has produced “net energy” (more energy coming out of a reaction than was necessary to start it) in exactly two places in our solar system: Lawrence Livermore National Lab, and the sun. Even the scientists who did it on Earth say that using the technology for real-world energy generation is still a “very distant” prospect.

On the bright side, however, the regulatory path for fusion energy has gotten a lot clearer.

The ADVANCE Act, signed by President Biden last week, contained language that will simplify the path to deployment for fusion, should it ever reach commercialization. The Fusion Energy Act, contained within the ADVANCE Act (which itself was stapled onto Fire Grants and Safety Act), confirmed a decision by the Nuclear Regulatory Commission in 2023 separating the regulatory apparatus for fusion and fission projects. Fission — the only process used to produce nuclear energy commercially today — can lead to runaway nuclear reactions and inevitably creates radioactive waste, and going through the complex regulatory process can take years. Fusion, by contrast, doesn’t have those risks.

In a 2023 memo, the NRC approved its staff decision to “to license and regulate fusion energy systems under the Nuclear Regulatory Commission’s byproduct material framework,” i.e. the process used to approve things like particle accelerators and medical applications. That change had been prompted by an earlier nuclear bill, 2019’s Nuclear Energy Innovation and Modernization Act.

Still, both lawmakers and the industry were wary that might not hold up should the Supreme Court decide to overturn a decades-old precedent giving deference to agencies to interpret their own mandates — a world “anybody who’s in Washington saw coming,” Andrew Holland, head of the industry group Fusion Industry Association, told me. “If there’s any ambiguity about what Congress said, then that creates this regulatory uncertainty. So this is Congress saying, what the NRC did is what we wanted.”

That is a big relief for fusion investors. “There was a lot of angst among investors that, well, fusion is going to be regulated just like nuclear fission,” Holland said, referring to the period before the NRC’s decision in 2023. “So why shouldn’t I invest in the thing that I know works, versus the thing that’s technologically hard?”

About that technology: Fusion is often described as the “holy grail” of energy generation, both because of its immense promise (the fuel for fusion literally comes from seawater) with which it could generates immense carbon free power without the waste and risks associated with fission and because, like the grail, no one has been able to attain it.

Fusion has become something like the Brazil of energy research, with a working reactor always 20 (or 30) years away. ITER, a giant international fusion project that has been around in some form or another since the late 1970s, announced recently that it had pushed back the timeline for starting its machine from 2025 to 2034.

The private fusion industry, meanwhile, has raised over $7 billion in total, with about $6 billion coming since 2021, according to Fusion Industry Association data. About $2 billion of that of that has gone to Commonwealth Fusion Systems, which spun off from MIT in 2018.

The Massachusetts-based company is working on a fusion device that promises to be cheaper, faster, and easier to build that the unwieldy ITER model. In 2021, Commonwealth and MIT researchers were able to generate a magnetic field with a strength of 20 tesla, hailed by researchers as a meaningful step towards building a working fusion device.

At the same time, however, many industry figures and researchers think there’s more to be done on the funding side. The philanthropist John Arnold has called for explicit cost-sharing between the federal government and fusion companies based on achieving technological milestones, where fusion companies could certify that they achieved some kind of pre-established technological or commercial breakthrough and thus unlock government grants to defray their expenses. The Department of Energy has a program to fund fusion companies based on their achievements, but the funding has been in the tens of millions, which Arnold has described as “WAY TOO SMALL” and “barely worth the company’s time spent on the application.”

This isn’t just idle musing by a philanthropist with a Twitter account: Julien Barber, a climate investor at Emerson Collective, which has put money into Commonwealth, tends to agree. “We’re not allocating enough resources to actually make this a reality given the potential of it,” he told me. “We have to make hard decisions about funding and allocation as we move towards commercial fusion.”

The ADVANCE Act’s cements fusion — and the nuclear industry more broadly — as one of the favored energy technologies on Capitol Hill. The bill also builds on legislation passed and signed during the Trump administration and had the backing of a bipartisan group of senators.

“Fusion energy is a promising clean and safe power source that could help address America’s growing energy demands,” Senator John Cornyn, Republican of Texas and one of the Fusion Energy Act’s co-sponsors, said in a statement after the bill was passed. “This legislation will advance fusion technology in pursuit of increased U.S. energy independence, and I am grateful to my Senate colleagues for supporting it.”

“The Fusion Act is a pretty critical piece of what the fusion industry has been working towards,” Barber said. “There are two big barriers towards commercialization: We need enough funding to develop technology, and we need to have regulatory pathways.”

Holland, of the Fusion Industry Association, is optimistic that whoever is running Washington in 2025 will remain receptive to fusion — a position will almost certainly not be the case for other forms of non-carbon-emitting energy.

“You have Democrats who care because it’s the best form of renewable energy, and Republicans who care because it’s an updated form of nuclear energy,” he told me. “There’s been remarkably strong bipartisanship. And I would expect that does not change in a new administration, whoever leads the new administration.”

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Q&A

How to Channel Voters’ Anxieties About Data Centers

A conversation with the Guardrails Alliance’s Shaunna Thomas.

The Q&A subject.
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This week’s Q&A is with Shaunna Thomas of the Democrat-allied super PAC Guardrails Alliance, which describes itself as “not anti-technology” but supportive of AI “rules, accountability, and a government that actually represents the public.” Part of that AI accountability they’re calling for is on data centers.

After the midterms, Guardrails Alliance sent a memorandum to all House and Senate Democratic offices arguing for AI and data center accountability to be a key part of their message and plans heading into the new Congress. Described as a “playbook for how to understand and channel anxieties about AI and data centers,” the document laid out “key narratives” that they said voters who care about these issues want to see reflected and echoed by their politics. They said the push against data centers could help Democrats build more lasting political power.

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Plus more of the week’s biggest development fights.

The United States.
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1. New York City — We have a new must-watch offshore wind lawsuit with potential implications for the entire sector — and this time, it’s from lobstermen seeking damages.

  • In late October, a family of lobstermen sued Equinor in federal court claiming the company’s compensatory mitigation program is failing to adequately make up for alleged negative impacts to lobster fishing grounds in the New York Bight. According to the lawsuit, the wind project irreparably hurt fishing in previously trafficked waters. The suit also claims that Empire Wind construction destroyed lobster fishing pots and seeks at least $75,000 in damages as well as punitive damages and attorneys’ fees.
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  • An Equinor spokesman declined to comment on the case, telling me they don’t speak on pending litigation.

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Donald Trump and data center protesters.
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This year’s midterm elections called into question the efficacy of a push to pay local residents directly in exchange for building data centers.

Before the elections, I profiled the campaign for politicians to embrace the data center “dividend,” a policy idea modeled off Alaska’s Permanent Fund, which doles out checks to residents from profits off state oil, gas and mineral royalties. The Bitcoin Policy Institute, a tech policy think tank, was one of the first to trumpet the concept, but it was quickly taken up by President Donald Trump, who started raising it in speeches and on social media. “If companies want to make their Data Centers popular, pay the community, and/or individuals within the community, a ‘dividend,’” Trump posted to Truth Social on October 21.

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