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On ocean-based CO2, Grizzly 399, and the 45X tax credit.
Current conditions:Tropical Storm Trami brought widespread flooding to the Philippines, killing at least 24 people • The Southwestern U.S. is experiencing a heatwave, with temperatures as high as 25 degrees Fahrenheit above normal • The three NASA astronauts stuck at the International Space Station due to inclement weather are finally on their way home.
The Swiss direct air capture company Climeworks has found a new, deep-pocketed partner in Morgan Stanley. The financial services company will pay an undisclosed amount to Climeworks to suck 40,000 tons of CO2 from the air and store the greenhouse gas underground on its behalf. This is the second largest deal Climeworks has secured to date, following an 80,000-ton sale to Boston Consulting Group, and the company says the purchase will help accelerate progress on its first project in the United States, a direct air capture hub in Louisiana called Project Cypress.
Meanwhile, Microsoft is rounding out its already extensive carbon removal portfolio with its first major investment in ocean-based technology. The tech giant agreed to buy up to 350,000 tons of CO2 removal from a startup called Ebb Carbon over the next 10 years, slightly more than its deal with the direct air capture company Heirloom.
Ebb uses electricity to separate seawater into acidic and basic streams, then returns the basic stream back to the ocean, where it reacts with carbon in the water and promotes faster CO2 absorption from the air. The company must achieve and verify an initial 1,300 tons of CO2 removal before Microsoft commits to buying the remainder. The company has a small pilot project up and running at the Pacific Northwest National Laboratory in Washington, and is working with federal scientists and the University of Washington to measure and model the results.
The Treasury Department issued final rules this morning for the Advanced Manufacturing Production Tax Credit, also known as 45X. The program is the backbone of the Inflation Reduction Act, offering incentives for domestic manufacturing of the components of solar panels, wind turbines, and batteries, subsidizing every step of the supply chain for these technologies. During a call with reporters on Wednesday, Deputy Secretary of the Treasury Wally Adeyemo said the tax credit has already driven more than $126 billion in private sector clean energy manufacturing investments.
The biggest change introduced in the final rule that the administration highlighted was allowing critical mineral extraction — separately and in addition to mineral processing — to qualify for a 10% tax credit. “The U.S. has major deposits of critical minerals like lithium and palladium. Extracting and processing them here in America, as opposed to relying on China, Russia, and other countries with weak worker and environmental protection, is an economic and national security priority for us,” Adeyemo said.
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Engineers at GE Vernova, the manufacturer of the Vineyard Wind offshore turbine blade that crashed into the ocean this summer, have been poring over ultrasound images of its other blades and conducting physical inspections with drones to figure out whether the fiasco was a one-off or a more widespread issue. During an earnings call on Wednesday, CEO Scott Strazik revealed that the company did, in fact, find a similar “manufacturing deviation” in “a very small proportion, low single-digit proportion” of the blades. The company now intends to “remove some blades from the Vineyard Wind farm while strengthening other blades as needed,” according to an update from Vineyard Wind.
The 600 megawatt Duane Arnold Energy Center just outside Cedar Rapids, Iowa could be the next shuttered nuclear plant to come back from the dead. The plant’s owner, NextEra, is evaluating a restart, CEO John Ketchum told investors on an earnings call yesterday. “It goes without saying, there’s very strong interest from customers, data-center customers in particular, in that site,” Ketchum said. “We’re in a period of substantial power demand.”
Grizzly 399, the world-renowned, 400-pound bear that roamed Grand Teton National Park for nearly 30 years, died tragically on Tuesday after being hit by a Subaru on the highway. She leaves behind more than a dozen offspring, including a cub born just last year that fans have nicknamed “Spirit.”
Jonathan Steele/Getty Images
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Republicans are taking over some of the most powerful institutions for crafting climate policy on Earth.
When Republicans flipped the Senate, they took the keys to three critical energy and climate-focused committees.
These are among the most powerful institutions for crafting climate policy on Earth. The Senate plays the role of gatekeeper for important legislation, as it requires a supermajority to overcome the filibuster. Hence, it’s both where many promising climate bills from the House go to die, as well as where key administrators such as the heads of the Department of Energy and the Environmental Protection Agency are vetted and confirmed.
We’ll have to wait a bit for the Senate’s new committee chairs to be officially confirmed. But Jeff Navin, co-founder at the climate change-focused government affairs firm Boundary Stone Partners, told me that since selections are usually based on seniority, in many cases it’s already clear which Republicans are poised to lead under Trump and which Democrats will assume second-in-command (known as the ranking member). Here’s what we know so far.
This committee has been famously led by Joe Manchin, the former Democrat, now Independent senator from West Virginia, who will retire at the end of this legislative session. Energy and Natural Resources has a history of bipartisan collaboration and was integral in developing many of the key provisions in the Inflation Reduction Act — and could thus play a key role in dismantling them. Overall, the committee oversees the DOE, the Department of the Interior, the U.S. Forest Service, and the Federal Energy Regulatory Commission, so it’s no small deal that its next chairman will likely be Mike Lee, the ultra-conservative Republican from Utah. That’s assuming that the committee's current ranking member, John Barrasso of Wyoming, wins his bid for Republican Senate whip, which seems very likely.
Lee opposes federal ownership of public lands, setting himself up to butt heads with Martin Heinrich, the Democrat from New Mexico and likely the committee’s next ranking member. Lee has also said that solving climate change is simply a matter of having more babies, as “problems of human imagination are not solved by more laws, they’re solved by more humans.” As Navin told me, “We've had this kind of safe space where so-called quiet climate policy could get done in the margins. And it’s not clear that that's going to continue to exist with the new leadership.”
This committee is currently chaired by Democrat Tom Carper of Delaware, who is retiring after this term. Poised to take over is the Republican’s current ranking member, Shelley Moore Capito of West Virginia. She’s been a strong advocate for continued reliance on coal and natural gas power plants, while also carving out areas of bipartisan consensus on issues such as nuclear energy, carbon capture, and infrastructure projects during her tenure on the committee. The job of the Environment and Public Works committee is in the name: It oversees the EPA, writes key pieces of environmental legislation such as the Clean Air Act and Clean Water Act, and supervises public infrastructure projects such as highways, bridges, and dams.
Navin told me that many believe the new Democratic ranking member will be Sheldon Whitehouse of Rhode Island, although to do so, he would have to step down from his perch at the Senate Budget Committee, where he is currently chair. A tireless advocate of the climate cause, Whitehouse has worked on the Environment and Public Works committee for over 15 years, and lately seems to have had a relatively productive working relationship with Capito.
This subcommittee falls under the broader Senate Appropriations Committee and is responsible for allocating funding for the DOE, various water development projects, and various other agencies such as the Nuclear Regulatory Commission.
California’s Dianne Feinstein used to chair this subcommittee until her death last year, when Democrat Patty Murray of Washington took over. Navin told me that the subcommittee’s next leader will depend on how the game of “musical chairs” in the larger Appropriations Committee shakes out. Depending on their subcommittee preferences, the chair could end up being John Kennedy of Louisiana, outgoing Senate Minority Leader Mitch McConnell of Kentucky, or Lisa Murkowski of Alaska. It’s likewise hard to say who the top Democrat will be.
Inside a wild race sparked by a solar farm in Knox County, Ohio.
The most important climate election you’ve never heard of? Your local county commissioner.
County commissioners are usually the most powerful governing individuals in a county government. As officials closer to community-level planning than, say a sitting senator, commissioners wind up on the frontlines of grassroots opposition to renewables. And increasingly, property owners that may be personally impacted by solar or wind farms in their backyards are gunning for county commissioner positions on explicitly anti-development platforms.
Take the case of newly-elected Ohio county commissioner – and Christian social media lifestyle influencer – Drenda Keesee.
In March, Keesee beat fellow Republican Thom Collier in a primary to become a GOP nominee for a commissioner seat in Knox County, Ohio. Knox, a ruby red area with very few Democratic voters, is one of the hottest battlegrounds in the war over solar energy on prime farmland and one of the riskiest counties in the country for developers, according to Heatmap Pro’s database. But Collier had expressed openness to allowing new solar to be built on a case-by-case basis, while Keesee ran on a platform focused almost exclusively on blocking solar development. Collier ultimately placed third in the primary, behind Keesee and another anti-solar candidate placing second.
Fighting solar is a personal issue for Keesee (pronounced keh-see, like “messy”). She has aggressively fought Frasier Solar – a 120 megawatt solar project in the country proposed by Open Road Renewables – getting involved in organizing against the project and regularly attending state regulator hearings. Filings she submitted to the Ohio Power Siting Board state she owns a property at least somewhat adjacent to the proposed solar farm. Based on the sheer volume of those filings this is clearly her passion project – alongside preaching and comparing gay people to Hitler.
Yesterday I spoke to Collier who told me the Frasier Solar project motivated Keesee’s candidacy. He remembered first encountering her at a community meeting – “she verbally accosted me” – and that she “decided she’d run against me because [the solar farm] was going to be next to her house.” In his view, he lost the race because excitement and money combined to produce high anti-solar turnout in a kind of local government primary that ordinarily has low campaign spending and is quite quiet. Some of that funding and activity has been well documented.
“She did it right: tons of ground troops, people from her church, people she’s close with went door-to-door, and they put out lots of propaganda. She got them stirred up that we were going to take all the farmland and turn it into solar,” he said.
Collier’s takeaway from the race was that local commissioner races are particularly vulnerable to the sorts of disinformation, campaign spending and political attacks we’re used to seeing more often in races for higher offices at the state and federal level.
“Unfortunately it has become this,” he bemoaned, “fueled by people who have little to no knowledge of what we do or how we do it. If you stir up enough stuff and you cry out loud enough and put up enough misinformation, people will start to believe it.”
Races like these are happening elsewhere in Ohio and in other states like Georgia, where opposition to a battery plant mobilized Republican primaries. As the climate world digests the federal election results and tries to work backwards from there, perhaps at least some attention will refocus on local campaigns like these.
And more of the week’s most important conflicts around renewable energy.
1. Madison County, Missouri – A giant battery material recycling plant owned by Critical Mineral Recovery exploded and became engulfed in flames last week, creating a potential Vineyard Wind-level PR headache for energy storage.
2. Benton County, Washington State – Governor Jay Inslee finally got state approvals finished for Scout Clean Energy’s massive Horse Heaven wind farm after a prolonged battle over project siting, cultural heritage management, and bird habitat.
3. Fulton County, Georgia – A large NextEra battery storage facility outside of Atlanta is facing a lawsuit that commingles usual conflicts over building these properties with environmental justice concerns, I’ve learned.
Here’s what else I’m watching…
In Colorado, Weld County commissioners approved part of one of the largest solar projects in the nation proposed by Balanced Rock Power.
In New Mexico, a large solar farm in Sandoval County proposed by a subsidiary of U.S. PCR Investments on land typically used for cattle is facing consternation.
In Pennsylvania, Schuylkill County commissioners are thinking about new solar zoning restrictions.
In Kentucky, Lost City Renewables is still wrestling with local concerns surrounding a 1,300-acre solar farm in rural Muhlenberg County.
In Minnesota, Ranger Power’s Gopher State solar project is starting to go through the public hearing process.
In Texas, Trina Solar – a company media reports have linked to China – announced it sold a large battery plant the day after the election. It was acquired by Norwegian company FREYR.