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Reopening the Strait of Hormuz won’t make summer any cooler.

If you happened to be watching the popular Thai morning show Wanmai Thai earlier this month, you may have come across an odd segment on workplace attire. In it, the three hosts demonstrated that by removing your business jacket, you can stay comfortable at the office and conserve electricity. “People who are addicted to cool air conditioners — well, now you don’t have to,” the disrobed hosts told their viewers from their shirtsleeves.
The segment was designed to encourage more than just common-sense fashion choices. Thailand is one of many Southeast Asian countries that rely heavily on the Middle East for fuel, with about 74% of its oil sourced from the Persian Gulf. The vast majority of that must pass through the Strait of Hormuz, which has been effectively closed to tanker traffic since the U.S. and Israel attacked Iran in late February. In some places, the situation is even more dire: 87% of Vietnam’s oil comes from the Persian Gulf. For the Philippines, it’s 96%.
These countries, along with others in the region, have been among the first to experience the cascading effects of the Iran War. Most have only modest emergency reserves, which will buy them a month, or maybe two. “We’re definitely in an environment where every step you can take to maximize energy conservation significantly counts,” Clara Gillispie, a senior fellow for climate and energy at the Council on Foreign Relations, told me. “The challenge is, we don’t know how bad the supply crunch is going to get.”
What we do know is that summer is approaching, and it’s likely to be another hot one. “We have heard this year could be a bad El Niño,” Jason Lee, a leading heat expert at the National University of Singapore and the chair of the Global Heat Health Information Network’s Southeast Asia Hub, told me. “We are expecting a warmer summer.” In fact, this year and next could be the hottest in human history.
Southeast Asia is particularly vulnerable: Cambodia, Myanmar, and Thailand are disproportionately affected by climate change, and could experience temperatures of 105 degrees or higher on more than 138 days a year by the end of the century. Those kinds of temperatures put a strain on the grid even in the best of times; if they arrive this spring and summer against the backdrop of a worsening energy crisis and electricity rationing, they could kill people whose survival depends on access to working AC.
Unsurprisingly in a warming world, a third of Southeast Asia’s growth in electricity use is attributable to cooling-related infrastructure, per the International Energy Agency. “Air conditioning is increasingly not a luxury in some of these places, where it makes a real, meaningful difference in terms of the livability of cities,” Gillispie told me.
But because of the energy crisis, Thailand is asking all sectors to keep air conditioners set to 80 degrees Fahrenheit — a temperature that may offer limited relief, especially given a forecasted heat index of 140 degrees in parts of the country by early April. (Health experts say that 75 degrees is the ideal temperature for the body to recover during episodes of extreme heat, especially in urban areas, where cities tend to hang onto the heat overnight.) Governments of other countries in the region, meanwhile, have instituted four-day workweeks and work-from-home policies in the name of conserving energy.
It’s a matter of life and death. One of the leading ways lower-middle-income countries have adapted to prevent temperature-related mortality is by investing in AC. “If your community has money, then you have options, and one of those options is to increase access to air conditioning,” Emily Grover-Kopec, the director of energy and climate practice at Rhodium Group and the author of a new report on heat-related mortality from the University of Chicago’s Climate Impact Lab, told me. For example, though though Djibouti and Kuwait are countries with similar climates, heat-related deaths are projected to increase by 55 deaths per 100,000 in Djibouti by 2050, “on par with the current death rate of HIV/AIDS,” the report found, while the richer country, Kuwait, is projected to see only 25 additional deaths per 100,000, or “less than half the current death rate of heart disease.”
The Climate Impact Lab’s numbers for Southeast Asia might not immediately jump off the page as particularly scary, in part because the data is designed to capture a net change in mortality. Southeast Asia’s topography varies widely, and in the more mountainous regions of the countries, researchers project a net decrease in deaths due to milder winters.
But the report also measures changes on top of a baseline that is already bad. South and Southeast Asia combine to account for half of global heat-related deaths. Counterintuitively, this baseline can sometimes dissuade governments from investing in adaptation-related measures because extreme heat is pervasive and normalized. It’s like the “effect of a smelly room,” said Lee, the GHHIN Southeast Asia chair. “After you are in the room for a long time, the stench disappears.” Similarly, many of the “most vulnerable regions are not taking serious action because [the heat] is perpetual. It was always warm and uncomfortable in Southeast Asia.”
As incomes improve, though, adaptation via air conditioning remains one of the most effective ways to save lives. In Indonesia, for example, less than 15% of households had ACs in 2024; around half are expected to have them by 2035. But it is also air conditioning that is most immediately threatened by unreliable and unaffordable energy. As fuel costs go up, utilities may ration electricity, as is already the case in Sri Lanka, another Asian country that relies heavily on imported Middle Eastern fuels.
Rationing, in turn, can lead to blackouts, meaning that even people who can afford air conditioning will lose access to it. What we know from previous extreme heat disasters is that it’s often prolonged exposure to indoor temperatures — which don’t even necessarily need to be that high — that turns deadly. That is especially true for elderly populations, which are highly concentrated in Southeast Asian countries.
What’s more, e a short war in the Middle East will have consequences for Southeast Asia at this point, Teevrat Garg, an associate professor of economics at the University of California, San Diego, who specializes in environmental policy and energy transitions in low- and middle-income countries, told me. Many nations in Southeast Asia are now backing away from their plans to phase out coal — Thailand, for example, has ordered its plants to run at full capacity, an about-face for a country that had previously explored decommissioning some of its biggest polluters. “Decarbonization goals are likely to be pushed back when you have an energy crisis of this kind,” Garg said. “The first priority is providing electricity to everybody” — especially when lives are at stake.
Running air conditioning less, or not at all, can also make keeping schools open unsafe. Pakistan, Sri Lanka, and Bangladesh have already reduced in-person classes to conserve energy. “Even when schools can stay open, there are questions about the impacts that [heat] has on students — their cognitive processes and the quality of the teaching and learning,” Gillispie of CFR told me, echoing Garg by adding that the crisis is “not a one-off. It’s something that’s going to have ripple effects for years to come.”
It’s precisely these ripples and cascades that make the energy crisis so difficult to respond to, Lee added. In Singapore, for example, where he lives and works, there are currently haze warnings due to nearby wildfires, advising people to stay indoors with the windows closed — where they’ll inevitably have to run AC. (Coal-fired plants and diesel generators will also add to regional air pollution, prompting more air quality warnings across Southeast Asia.) At the same time, the government is telling people to keep their windows open for ventilation and go to cooling malls and water fountains to deal with the heat.
“And now we have an energy crisis” on top of everything else, Lee said. Looking ahead to the summer, when temperatures will spike, and load-shedding is possible, he added, “I hope the governments are thinking about this, because if that scenario plays out, this will be devastating.”
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And more of the week’s top news around development conflicts.
1. Benton County, Washington – The bellwether for Trump’s apparent freeze on new wind might just be a single project in Washington State: the Horse Heaven wind farm.
2. Box Elder County, Utah – The big data center fight of the week was the Kevin O’Leary-backed project in the middle of the Utah desert. But what actually happened?
3. Durham County, North Carolina – While the Shark Tank data center sucked up media oxygen, a more consequential fight for digital infrastructure is roiling in one of the largest cities in the Tar Heel State.
4. Richland County, Ohio – We close Hotspots on the longshot bid to overturn a renewable energy ban in this deeply MAGA county, which predictably failed.
A conversation with Nick Loris of C3 Solutions
This week’s conversation is with Nick Loris, head of the conservative policy organization C3 Solutions. I wanted to chat with Loris about how he and others in the so-called “eco right” are approaching the data center boom. For years, groups like C3 have occupied a mercurial, influential space in energy policy – their ideas and proposals can filter out into Congress and state legislation while shaping the perspectives of Republican politicians who want to seem on the cutting edge of energy and the environment. That’s why I took note when in late April, Loris and other right-wing energy wonks dropped a set of “consumer-first” proposals on transmission permitting reform geared toward addressing energy demand rising from data center development. So I’m glad Loris was available to lay out his thoughts with me for the newsletter this week.
The following conversation was lightly edited for clarity.
How is the eco right approaching permitting reform in the data center boom?
I would say the eco-right broadly speaking is thinking of the data center and load growth broadly as a tremendous and very real opportunity to advance permitting and regulatory reforms at the federal and state level that would enable the generation and linear infrastructure – transmission lines or pipelines – to meet the demand we’re going to see. Not just for hyperscalers and data centers but the needs of the economy. It also sees this as an opportunity to advance tech-neutral reforms where if it makes sense for data centers to get power from virtual power plants, solar, and storage, natural gas, or co-locate and invest in an advanced reactor, all options should be on the table. Fundamentally speaking, if data centers are going to pay for that infrastructure, it brings even greater opportunity to reduce the cost of these technologies. Data centers being a first mover and needing the power as fast as possible could be really helpful for taking that step to get technologies that have a price premium, too.
When it comes to permitting, how important is permitting with respect to “speed-to-power”? What ideas do you support given the rush to build, keeping in mind the environmental protection aspect?
You don’t build without sufficient protections to air quality, water quality, public health, and safety in that regard.
Where I see the fundamental need for permitting reform is, take a look at all the environmental statutes at the federal level and analyze where they’re needing an update and modernization to maintain rigorous environmental standards but build at a more efficient pace. I know the National Environmental Policy Act and the House bill, the SPEED Act, have gotten lots of attention and deservedly so. But also it’s taking a look at things like the Clean Water Act, when states can abuse authority to block pipelines or transmission lines, or the Endangered Species Act, where litigation can drag on for a lot of these projects.
Are there any examples out there of your ideal permitting preferences, prioritizing speed-to-power while protecting the environment? Or is this all so new we’re still in the idea phase?
It’s a little bit of both. For example, there are some states with what’s called a permit-by-rule system. That means you get the permit as long as you meet the environmental standards in place. You have to be in compliance with all the environmental laws on the books but they’ll let them do this as long as they’re monitored, making sure the compliance is legitimate.
One of the structural challenges with some state laws and federal laws is they’re more procedural statutes and a mother may I? approach to permitting. Other statutes just say they’ll enforce rules and regulations on the books but just let companies build projects. Then look at a state like Texas, where they allow more permits rather quickly for all kinds of energy projects. They’ve been pretty efficient at building everything from solar and storage to oil and gas operations.
I think there’s just many different models. Are we early in the stages? There’s a tremendous amount of ideas and opportunities out there. Everything from speeding up interconnection queues to consumer regulated electricity, which is kind of a bring-your-own-power type of solution where companies don’t have to answer or respond to utilities.
It sounds like from your perspective you want to see a permitting pace that allows speed-to-power while protecting the environment.
Yeah, that’s correct. I mean, in the case of a natural gas turbine, if they’re in compliance with the regulations at the state and federal level I don’t have an issue with that. I more so have an issue if they’re disregarding rules at the federal or state level.
We know data centers can be built quickly and we know energy infrastructure cannot. I don’t know if they’ll ever get on par with one another but I do think there are tremendous opportunities to make those processes more efficient. Not just for data centers but to address the cost concerns Americans are seeing across the board.
Do you think the data center boom is going to lead to lots more permitting reform being enacted? Or will the backlash to new projects stop all that?
I think the fundamental driver of permitting reform will be higher energy prices and we’ll need more supply to have more reliability. You just saw NERC put out a level 3 warning about the stability of the grid, driven by data centers. People really pay attention to this when prices are rising.
Will data centers help or hurt the cause? I think that remains to be seen. If there’s opportunities for data centers to pay for infrastructure, including what they’re using, there are areas where projects have been good partners in communities. If they’re the ones taking the opportunity to invest, and they can ensure ratepayers won’t be footing the bill for the power infrastructure, I think they’ll be more of an asset for permitting reform than a harm.
The general public angst against data centers is – trying to think of the right word here – a visceral reaction. It snowballed on itself. Hopefully there’s a bit of an opportunity for a reset and broader understanding of what legitimate concerns are and where we can have better education.
And I’m certainly not shilling for the data centers. I’m here to say they can be good partners and allies in meeting our energy needs.
I’m wondering from your vantage point, what are you hearing from the companies themselves? Is it about a need to build faster? What are they telling you about the backlash to their projects?
When I talk to industry, speed-to-power has been their number one two and three concern. That is slightly shifting because of the growing angst about data centers. Even a few years ago, when developers were engaging with state legislatures, they were hearing more questions than answers. But it’s mostly about how companies can connect to the grid as fast as possible, or whether they can co-locate energy.
Okay, but going back to what you just said about the backlash here. As this becomes more salient, including in Republican circles, is the trendline for the eco-right getting things built faster or tackling these concerns head on?
To me it's a yes, and.
I would broaden this out to be not just the eco right but also Abundance progressives, Abundance conservatives, and libertarians. We need to address these issues head on – with better education, better community engagement. Make sure people know what is getting built. I mean, the Abundance movement as a whole is trying to address those systemic problems.
It’s also an opportunity for the necessary policy reform that has plagued energy development in the U.S. for decades. I see this from an eco right perspective and an abundance progressive perspective that it's an opportunity to say why energy development matters. For families, for the entire U.S. energy economy, and for these hyperscalers.
But if you don’t win in the court of public opinion, none of this is going to matter. We do need to listen to the communities. It’s not an either or here.
And future administrations will learn from his extrajudicial success.
President Donald Trump is now effectively blocking any new wind projects in the United States, according to the main renewables trade group, using the federal government’s power over all things air and sky to grind a routine approval process to a screeching halt.
So far, almost everything Trump has done to target the wind energy sector has been defeated in court. His Day 1 executive order against the wind industry was found unconstitutional. Each of his stop work orders trying to shut down wind farms were overruled. Numerous moves by his Interior Department were ruled illegal.
However, since the early days of Trump 2.0, renewable energy industry insiders have been quietly skittish about a potential secret weapon: the Federal Aviation Administration. Any structure taller than 200 feet must be approved to not endanger commercial planes – that’s an FAA job. If the FAA decided to indefinitely seize up the so-called “no hazard” determinations process, legal and policy experts have told me it would potentially pose an existential risk to all future wind development.
Well, this is now the strategy Trump is apparently taking. Over the weekend, news broke that the Defense Department is refusing to sign off on things required to complete the FAA clearance process. From what I’ve heard from industry insiders, including at the American Clean Power Association, the issues started last summer but were limited in scale, primarily impacting projects that may have required some sort of deal to mitigate potential impacts on radar or other military functions.
Over the past few weeks, according to ACP, this once-routine process has fully deteriorated and companies are operating with the understanding FAA approvals are on pause because the Department of Defense (or War, if you ask the administration) refuses to sign off on anything. The military is given the authority to weigh in and veto these decisions through a siting clearinghouse process established under federal statute. But the trade group told me this standstill includes projects where there are no obvious impacts to military operations, meaning there aren’t even any bases or defense-related structures nearby.
One energy industry lawyer who requested anonymity to speak candidly on the FAA problems told me, “This is the strategy for how you kill an industry while losing every case: just keep coming at the industry. Create an uninvestable climate and let the chips fall where they may.”
I heard the same from Tony Irish, a former career attorney for the Interior Department, including under Trump 1.0, who told me he essentially agreed with that attorney’s assessment.
“One of the major shames of the last 15 months is this loss of the presumption of regularity,” Irish told me. “This underscores a challenge with our legal system. They can find ways to avoid courts altogether – and it demonstrates a unilateral desire to achieve an end regardless of the legality of it, just using brute force.”
In a statement to me, the Pentagon confirmed its siting clearinghouse “is actively evaluating land-based wind projects to ensure they do not impair national security or military operations, in accordance with statutory and regulatory requirements.” The FAA declined to comment on whether the country is now essentially banning any new wind projects and directed me to the White House. Then in an email, White House deputy press secretary Anna Kelly told me the Pentagon statement “does not ‘confirm’” the country instituted a de facto ban on new wind projects. Kelly did not respond to a follow up question asking for clarification on the administration’s position.
Faced with a cataclysmic scenario, the renewable energy industry decided to step up to the bully pulpit. The American Clean Power Association sent statements to the Financial Times, The New York Times and me confirming that at least 165 wind projects are now being stalled by the FAA determination process, representing about 30 gigawatts of potential electricity generation. This also apparently includes projects that negotiated agreements with the government to mitigate any impacts to military activities. The trade group also provided me with a statement from its CEO Jason Grumet accusing the Trump administration of “actively driving the debate” over federal permitting “into the ditch by abusing the current permitting system” – a potential signal for Democrats in Congress to raise hell over this.
Indeed, on permitting reform, the Trump team may have kicked a hornet’s nest. Senate Energy and Natural Resources Ranking Member Martin Heinrich – a key player in congressional permitting reform talks – told me in a statement that by effectively blocking all new wind projects, the Trump administration “undercuts their credibility and bipartisan permitting reform.” California Democratic Rep. Mike Levin said in an interview Tuesday that this incident means Heinrich and others negotiating any federal permitting deal “should be cautious in how we trust but verify.”
But at this point, permitting reform drama will do little to restore faith that the U.S. legal and regulatory regime can withstand such profound politicization of one type of energy. There is no easy legal remedy to these aerospace problems; none of the previous litigation against Trump’s attacks on wind addressed the FAA, and as far as we know the military has not in its correspondence with energy developers cited any of the regulatory or policy documents that were challenged in court.
Actions like these have consequences for future foreign investment in U.S. energy development. Last August, after the Transportation Department directed the FAA to review wind farms to make sure they weren’t “a danger to aviation,” government affairs staff for a major global renewables developer advised the company to move away from wind in the U.S. market because until the potential FAA issues were litigated it would be “likely impossible to move forward with construction of any new wind projects.” I am aware this company has since moved away from actively developing wind projects in the U.S. where they had previously made major investments as recently as 2024.
Where does this leave us? I believe the wind industry offers a lesson for any developers of large, politically controversial infrastructure – including data centers. Should the federal government wish to make your business uninvestable, it absolutely will do so and the courts cannot stop them.