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The gas tax pays for America’s road repair. So what do we do when everyone drives EVs?

Electric cars may help the United States fix its carbon problem, but they’re about to break the way America pays for its roads.
Every gallon of gas Americans buy is taxed to pay for highway improvements and other infrastructure projects. The federal government takes about 18 cents per gallon of gas (and 24 cents for diesel), while the states, on average, charge even more.
EVs escape this tax. As the Biden Administration pushes for the majority of American cars to go electric within a decade, the nation needs a new way to fund road repairs. That is why all of us, whether we drive gasoline, hybrid, or electric, soon could be taxed on the number of miles we drive.
A vehicle miles traveled (VMT) tax has become a hot idea for replacing the gas tax in the age of electric vehicles. Federal laws — including the Surface Transportation System Funding Alternatives (STSFA) program and the 2021 Infrastructure Investment and Jobs Act (as known as the Bipartisan Infrastructure Bill) — have even included money for states to run VMT pilot programs.
Economists and policymakers love VMT for a variety of reasons. Most importantly, says Adam Hoffer, director of excise tax policy at the nonprofit Tax Foundation, this approach creates a “universal toll road” where people who use the roads the most also pay the most for their upkeep.
“Gas taxes have worked really well as the best proxy for this for almost a hundred years now,” Hoffer told me. “What we're seeing is that with electric vehicles growing in market share, we need a new tool. Vehicle miles traveled taxes seem to fit that bill really well.”
Clifford Winston, a senior fellow in economic studies at the Brookings Institution, says another key advantage is that a VMT is customizable. “It has economically desirable features that go beyond generating the revenue that would be lost as the vehicle fleet turns over from internal combustion engines to EVs,” he says.
The tax could simply charge every vehicle the same number of cents per mile. On the other hand, the government could also adjust the cost up or down to incentivize good behaviors. For example, it could charge people less per mile if they drive EVs (and more if they stick with a gas-guzzler). It could put in congestion surcharges to tempt people to avoid rush hour, or charge trucking companies based on how much weight they’re hauling down the highway.
Winston’s version of VMT is an economist’s dream where price drives every choice. He compares it to the experience of calling an Uber or Lyft, where users are presented with several options at different price points. Now, he says, imagine the same scenario when you slide into your own car and enter a destination. The vehicle’s display could show you several routes with not only different driving times, but also different charges based on distance, congestion fees, or other factors.
There are downsides to this plan, of course, and not just that people may hate its complexity. Lots of folks have no choice but to drive during rush hour, and many can’t afford to replace an older car to take advantage of lower taxes on a new EV.
Privacy is the big one, Hoffer says. If drivers are charged a flat fee per mile, they would need to report their odometer reading to the taxman. A dynamic pricing scheme could be even more intrusive, requiring a way to track us everywhere, all the time.
The simplest way to confront this issue, Winston says, is to set up a third party so the government doesn’t have all this tracking data at its fingerprints. “A private company collects all this [information], sends it to the vehicle owner monthly, and says, here's your bill. Pay it,” he says. According to Hoffer, drivers already hand over this data when they sign up for car insurance programs like Progressive’s “Snapshot” that charge people based on how they drive. However, he says, privacy law around these issues is far from clear.
“There have been court cases before where lawyers have used real-time tracking data from these kinds of apps in lawsuits against people,” he says. “I think there are real questions about whether this data could be accessible via a warrant.”
There are less intrusive ways to replace the gas tax. Some states have begun to charge higher annual registration fees for electric cars to make up for the fact that they don’t burn gasoline. But a flat fee is a blunt instrument that can’t account for how far people drive. It also discourages EV sales.
An obvious replacement for taxing gas by the gallon would be to tax electricity by the kilowatt-hour. But you can’t really replicate the old system. While it may sound simple to tax fast-charging stations, lots of EV drivers do most of their charging at home. The electricity specifically used to charge a car is mixed in with the juice they use to run the dishwasher or the AC, making it hard to differentiate (not to mention that residential electricity is already taxed).
VMT may be the most logical solution to the gas tax problem, Hoffer says, but there are still plenty of bugs to work out. States currently running pilot programs, led by California and Oregon, are experimenting with how to practically implement the fee and how much it should be. It’s possible, Hoffer says, that a VMT will exist alongside the gasoline tax, at least while the U.S. car fleet goes through its transformation from gas to electric.
“I don’t see rapid adoption nationwide of a vehicle mile travel system — but I do think it is on the inevitable side of things,” he says.
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We need a ratepayer protection pledge for natural gas, too, argue two energy systems experts.
Everyone is talking about high energy prices, which were a major factor in the midterm elections. And it’s not just electricity: Families are paying 16% more for natural gas now than they were just two years ago. Within a few more years, the boom in electricity demand from data centers could add enough natural gas power plants to expand America’s gas power generation capacity by a third. Some back of the envelope math shows that the additional costs to regular customers from this expansion could total more than $23 billion across all retail gas and electricity prices by 2030.
Large users choosing gas will raise costs for the more than 70 million households in America paying a gas bill every month. It’s simple supply and demand. Some data center developers are working with utilities to connect to the grid, but many others are building their own off-grid power plants that would burn natural gas to power their operations. That would require a massive gas infrastructure build-out on top of the supply pressure, raising costs still further.
Earlier this year, hyperscalers and AI companies signed the Ratepayer Protection Pledge, committing to pay the full costs of their energy and infrastructure, “no matter what,” to avoid increasing energy costs for other customers. Agreeing to limit cost increases for energy is a good start, but the details of that pledge focused only on electricity customers, and it’s not enough to solve the problem. Almost nothing has been said on what that means for natural gas customers, or how data centers should help contain gas costs for families. As the 120th Congress, newly elected governors, and state legislators across the country consider the fastest ways to tackle volatile energy prices, they should consider a Gas Customer Protection Pledge to protect consumers from data centers contributing to surging natural gas bills.
All this new gas demand from data centers could increase costs for the rest of us in at least three ways. First, if history is any indication, the sheer volume of increased gas use will both raise gas prices and make them more volatile. Price volatility hurts poorer consumers more, with surprisingly high bills derived from market dynamics over which they have little control. Second, the pipelines, compressor stations, and other infrastructure needed to bring gas to these new facilities will cost money. Because the vast majority of utilities in America pass through both the cost of the fuel itself and the investments required to build and maintain infrastructure, these additional costs will be borne by all customers, not just the data centers.
And third — perhaps most importantly — during periods of peak system stress like winter storms or summer heat waves, all this additional gas going to data centers will make price shocks more severe. In the case of Winter Storm Fern last January, for example, natural gas prices from Chicago to Boston were 19 to 42 times higher than the national average price from the prior year.
So, how can government officials prevent all this from happening? A Gas Customer Protection Pledge would fill the gaps in the already agreed upon objective not to raise energy cost for average customers. Mirroring the points from the Ratepayer Protection Pledge, here’s how that might work.
To address energy affordability in the long run, finite resources are best spent moving energy systems off fossil fuels to improve public health and reduce greenhouse gas emissions. In the meantime, we must make efforts today to control natural gas costs. America’s energy affordability crisis needs answers today, not down the road.
Now is the time for a Gas Customer Protection Pledge that builds out the other half of the commitment already made by hyperscalers and AI companies not to increase energy bills for other customers.
X-energy is vying against CNNC and Canada’s AtkinsRéalis.
For years now, the United States has watched anxiously as its nuclear industry stagnated while those of its biggest geopolitical adversaries boomed. Russia, America’s top 20th century rival, dominated exports, securing deals to build virtually every nuclear newcomer nation’s first reactors. China, meanwhile, took the lead in domestic construction, with three dozen large-scale reactors under construction right now; Beijing even dabbled briefly in exporting its technology with a deal to build half a dozen reactors in Pakistan. It’s already made an offer to build Serbia’s first nuclear plant, and it’s expected to bid on more deals soon.
Now, for the first time, an American company is going head to head with a Chinese state-owned champion for one of Asia’s most sought-after nuclear deals.
X-energy, the Amazon-backed reactor startup based in Maryland, is one of three companies to take part in a program with Singapore to the country’s regulators in its licensing department so they can see how an atomic power project goes from planning to approval. The goal is to help train the “nuclear manpower” needed to design a reactor buildout that matches Singapore’s unique needs, according to the name of the program. By observing the process to license reactors, the regulators from Singapore’s Ministry of Energy, Trade, and Industry and its Energy Market Authority hope to lay the groundwork for the city-state to import reactor technology and build its first nuclear plant.
Singapore spans less land area than the city of Memphis, Tennessee, yet the Southeast Asian city-state has plans to expand its electricity generating capacity by more than a quarter in the coming years to around 15 gigawatts — more than four times the U.S. city’s all-time high power demand. The country’s Ministry of Energy, Trade, and Industry and its Energy Market Authority will pay the salaries of its embedded workers for the full length of the program, anywhere from six months to two years. Aside from the free labor, the host companies receive an inside track to sell reactors to Singapore if the country moves forward with a nuclear project.
“They need to pick a technology that suits their very, very specific needs and constraints,” Miriam D'Onofrio, X-energy’s senior director of international markets, told me. (While the company announced the partnership at the Singapore International Energy Week summit late last month, X-energy spoke exclusively with Heatmap about the agreement.)
“We’re proud to be the only American entity — and one that wasn’t facilitated by the U.S. government at all,” she added. “That was something that Singapore evaluated for itself and made a central decision to pursue. That’s a testament to the strength of our technology and the trust that they have in us as a company.”
Another company vying for Singapore’s business is AtkinsRéalis, the Montreal-based nuclear company behind Canada’s homegrown CANDU reactor technology. But a source with direct knowledge of the Singaporean government’s thinking told me the country is already sold on the benefits of building a high-temperature gas-cooled reactor, an expensive option that promises a relatively small footprint on land and minimal risk of a meltdown. The CANDU, by contrast, is a pressurized heavy water reactor, which uses a special kind of water as a coolant to use raw uranium as a fuel and avoid enrichment altogether.
That means the real competition is between X-energy and the China National Nuclear Corporation. CNNC, the second of China’s two state nuclear companies, which currently operates the world’s only commercial high-temperature gas-cooled reactor. Located at Shidao Bay Nuclear Power Plant on the tip of the Shandong Peninsula that juts from northern China into the Yellow Sea, the demonstration reactor came online in December 2023. The completion of the 210-megawatt reactor, which runs on a specialized and fuel known as TRISO that’s specifically engineered for safety, vaulted China to the front of the global race for what are called fourth-generation technologies that use coolants other than water.
While the U.S., Britain, Germany, and Japan all built experimental high-temperature gas-cooled reactors (America also briefly operated a commercial plant in Colorado before shutting it down in the early 1990s due to high costs), China is the first in decades to actually pump its electricity onto the grid. Construction began earlier this month on a second such unit.
That could afford CNNC some advantages. “China has an HTGR that’s been operating,” D'Onofrio told me. “But it is demonstrably more difficult to get information out of China and on that program.”
The trouble is, countries that “are embarking on new nuclear programs want to learn and absorb themselves,” she said. “They don’t just want to buy something off the shelf,” she said. “That’s unfortunately not how nuclear works.” With the Xe-100, an 80-megawatt small modular reactor cooled with helium, D'Onofrio said, “we tried our best to optimize constructability, to optimize manufacturability, to optimize efficiencies in the core.”
X-energy is making progress. On Monday, the U.S. Nuclear Regulatory Commission granted the company a permit to begin construction on its first plant, a small facility on Texas’ Gulf coast to funnel electricity and heat to Dow’s second-largest chemical plant. X-energy has also inked at least two deals with American utilities for full-scale plants in Washington State, with Energy Northwest, and in Indiana with American Electric Power.
Though the company has yet to fully build one of its reactors, she said, “I am confident that once we do, there will be a wave that we’re excited to see of interest from industry, from data centers, and from customers all over the world.”
If China’s edge is having an actual operating reactor, the strongest argument for X-energy may be its plans to manufacture its own fuel.
Both the Chinese and the American reactors run on TRISO. Rather than slotting pellets of enriched uranium into PEZ dispenser-like fuel assemblies that go into conventional reactors, TRISO producers ball the enriched uranium into poppyseed-sized spheres coated in ceramic material. That coating absorbs the dangerous materials produced during fission and makes a meltdown physically impossible, eliminating the need for the massive steel and concrete domes that serve as containment in traditional nuclear plants.
While China fills its TRISO kernels with conventional low-enriched uranium, X-energy is manufacturing its own fuel out of a more potent type of fuel. That fuel, known as high-assay low-enriched uranium or HALEU, burns through more of the energy in the uranium, but it’s also more expensive, and the only major commercial vendor in the world today is Russia’s Rosatom.
“We have the [intellectual property] on some of the most reliable TRISO fabrication that’s ever been invented,” D'Onofrio said.
Some experts doubt that Singapore will actually commission a nuclear plant anytime soon. “The Singaporeans are treating nuclear energy as a long-term risk-monitoring exercise rather than an active engineering [project],” François Morin, the World Nuclear Association’s director in Beijing, told me in a text message. “For now, the state’s priority is maintaining a superficial, multi-directional radar so they aren’t blindsided if regional neighbors like Indonesia or Malaysia move forward with their own nuclear plans.”
While the appeal of a TRISO-fueled high-temperature gas-reactor is the absence of a multi-mile emergency planning zone like those that surround water-cooled plants, Morin said the Singaporean government is “ignoring the reality that no international regulator has universally codified a ‘zero-EPZ’ standard for a hyper-dense metropolitan area.”
X-energy said it doesn’t need to ultimately build a reactor in Singapore for the effort to be worthwhile.
“Even if Singapore doesn’t pursue an HTGR program — we’d love them to — they’re going to play a role in regional development,” D'Onofrio said. “We want to play a role in regional development, and the strength of Singaporean institutions — the ease of doing business here — makes it a really, really interesting option for us for a future footprint.”
On Guterres naming a villain, how Masayoshi Son ‘overdid it,’ and Vance’s Venezuela trader
Current conditions: A major Atlantic storm called Storm Charles is bearing down on Portugal, which closed schools, canceled all non-essential services, and called off the second day of the WebSummit in Lisbon • A potential nor’easter is threatening New York City with heavy rain and flooding • Jackson, Mississippi — where Democrat Scott Colom declared victory last night to become the state’s first Black senator in nearly 150 years — is set to reach a warm, sunny, 71 degrees Fahrenheit today before dropping off by nearly 20 degrees overnight.
When the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change released its landmark report on the closing window to keep global warming within the range set by the Paris Agreement in 2018, António Guterres was just a year into the job as the United Nations’ secretary-general. The left-wing former Portuguese prime minister quickly developed a knack for delivering speeches that contained exactly the kind of rousing soundbites that blared in headlines across the world. That year, he proclaimed climate change “the defining issue of our time – and we are at a defining moment.” As emissions continued to grow, he ratcheted up his language. In 2022, he warned of a world in “great peril.” In 2023, he lamented that “humanity has opened the gates of Hell.” In his likely final speech before the annual global climate summit as the UN chief, Guterres raged against a world still on “the path to mutually assured destruction.”As “heat records keep shattering,” he said, “fossil fuel interests keep making a killing — while killing our planet.”
Meanwhile, at the summit formally known as the 31st Conference of the Parties to the UN Framework Convention on Climate Change, advocates are pushing for nuclear power to be explicitly acknowledged as clean in any official communiques that emerge from the negotiations. The key theme of this year’s event is Turkey’s goal of getting the world to increase the share of end-use energy that comes from electricity from 21% to 35% by 2035. Groups such as the Clean Air Task Force are pushing for the COP31 to name nuclear power as a resource to reach that goal, NucNet reported.
Exxon Mobil filed a confidential legal challenge to the European Union’s carbon capture rules in what the Financial Times called “the latest attempt by the U.S. energy group to row back Brussels’ flagship green regulations.” In a memo, the European Commission told its trade authorities it was preparing a response to the Texas giant’s argument that requiring the company to build out infrastructure to capture and store carbon dioxide emissions violates its rights against discrimination and expropriation under a 1994 investor protection treaty. The EU left the treaty last year, but is still bound by it.
Europe operates just 5.2% of the world’s operational carbon capture capacity as of this year, according to data from the International Energy Agency, putting the continent in a distant third place behind North America and South America. But that figure is on track to top 30% by 2035, easily leapfrogging into the No. 2 spot.

Last year, Japanese billionaire Masayoshi Son reserved a big portion of the U.S. market for gas turbines in hopes of making his SoftBank Group a top power equipment supplier for the data center boom. But reserving 13 gigawatts of turbines — equivalent to more than six Hoover Dams — drove a $3.7 billion loss in the company’s earnings.
“Like an overeager miner who tries to corner the market for picks and shovels in a gold rush,” The Wall Street Journal wrote in a scoop on the earnings hit, “Son’s SoftBank Group ordered so many turbines that even after fully supplying the world’s largest gas power plant, it was left with reservations for far more than it could possibly use.” It’s a sign, my colleague Robinson Meyer wrote last night, that “data centers may have already peaked as an economic and energy trend.”
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Add this to Democrats’ list of potential investigations into conflicts of interests in the Trump administration’s energy deals. A week before the U.S. invaded Venezuela, a plane linked to John Addison, a gasoline trader at the commodities giant Vitol and a friend and early financier of JD Vance’s political career, spent time on the tarmac of Bozeman Yellowstone International Airport alongside the vice president’s jet. Just two days after the capture of Nicolás Maduro, Addison received a call from Secretary of Energy Chris Wright with what Reuters described as “an irresistible offer.” In a blockbuster investigation, the newswire reported that Vance told Wright to trust Addison despite the fact that he “wasn’t the obvious choice to receive such a call from” the Department of Energy chief. Typically such outreach would go to the company’s regional chief executive, not a senior trader. “And his specialty was buying and selling U.S. gasoline, not Latin American crude oil,” Reuters wrote.
Offshore wind may be out to sea in the U.S. But Britain and Japan just signed a new Offshore Wind Industrial Compact in a bid to increase cooperation on supply chains for all kinds of seaward turbines. The pact encourages joint investments between British developers such as the state-backed Great British Energy and Japanese financiers, offshoreWIND.biz reported.
Mr. Wonderful isn’t the only male celebrity getting into the data center craze. New England Patriots owner Robert Kraft’s Kraft Group is now seeking to build a 900-megawatt data center campus in Sutton, Massachusetts, an historic, rural enclave roughly an hour southwest of Boston. If completed, The Boston Globe reported, it would be the fourth-largest data center in the U.S.