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A glimmer of hope, courtesy of climate diplomacy.
The past couple years have seen escalating tensions between China and the United States. On the one hand, the brutally repressive nature of the Chinese government has become undeniable, with the crushing of protests in Hong Kong and the ongoing cultural genocide against the Uyghur people in Xinjiang. On the other, the Biden administration has tightened Trump-era technology controls intended to prevent China from developing cutting-edge expertise in semiconductors, as well as other trade restrictions. Chinese and Taiwanese fighter jets are routinely getting into squabbles over Taiwan’s airspace.
It sure looks like another cold war is developing. However, we saw an unexpected diplomatic bright spot during U.S.-China talks this week, when both countries agreed to take steps to triple the world’s renewable energy capacity by 2030, and to cut emissions from power production over the same period. As Lisa Friedman writes at The New York Times, “That appears to be the first time China has agreed to specific emissions targets in any part of its economy.” That is good, and might even help defuse a full blown second cold war.
Now, the agreement did not say anything about cutting coal use, which has previously been a core U.S request. However, this isn’t as meaningful as it might seem. China does use an ungodly quantity of coal — the main reason why it now emits more than 60 percent more carbon pollution than the U.S. and the EU put together — and that is no doubt why cutting coal is not mentioned.
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But Chinese coal will be phased out regardless of any diplomatic agreement, likely sooner rather than later, for two reasons. First, power from natural gas and renewables is now considerably cheaper than that of coal, and increasingly so in the latter case as technology continues to improve. Brute market forces are the primary reason why American coal use peaked in 2007 and has since fallen by 60 percent. Coal power is simply a poor business proposition in 2023 — continuing to use it is leaving money on the table.
Second, the filth spewed forth by burning coal imposes a terrific health burden on the Chinese population. Seemingly every few months a new study is published showing air pollution is even worse than we thought. The air quality in Beijing was an international disgrace for decades; it has since been greatly improved, in part by halting the use of coal for residential heating and cooking. But according to the World Health Organization, air pollution still kills some two million Chinese annually, along with untold cases of asthma, heart disease, high blood pressure, and so on.
All that sickness is extremely expensive — costing America about $2,500 per person annually, according to one study. That’s easily enough that ending the use of fossil fuels would pay for itself over the long term even if you ignore climate change altogether.
In short, the ever-declining price of renewables, and the advancing awareness of just how costly air pollution is, have made the task of climate diplomacy far easier. No great sacrifice is required; countries must simply agree to do what is already in their best interest.
Still, the push of diplomatic agreements have their place. Actually building out a fully zero-carbon economy pencils out on paper, but will require a lot of complicated, expensive, and annoying electricity transmission and storage upgrades to deal with the intermittency of renewable power. Formal commitments can help break through the inertia.
So what is actually happening on the ground? In America, we did finally pass a serious climate bill, four decades after the undeniable proof of climate change was brought to the attention of Congress, in the form of the Inflation Reduction Act. Solar and wind investment are indeed skyrocketing, along with the domestic manufacturing industry intended to buttress that investment politically. It isn’t enough yet, but it’s a good start.
On the Chinese side, it must be admitted that China’s renewable investment wildly outstrips what America is doing, even with the IRA. China has put up 25.6 gigawatts of offshore wind, as compared to America’s pitiful 30 megawatts, or about one-thousandth as much. This year alone China will put up more solar than the entirety of America’s extant installed solar capacity. Nobody on earth does big and fast better than China.
That said, China’s planning of renewables appears to be quite haphazard, particularly on solar. As David Fickling writes at Bloomberg, the amount of solar power actually produced relative to capacity is not far from the U.K. and France — temperate countries with a lot of cloud cover. This is because thus far the bulk of China’s solar has been placed in the temperate south and east, rather than in the dry north and west. So while the volume is about right, the execution isn’t there yet.
Incidentally, this might be a worthy topic for future climate talks — America can share best practices about getting the largest number of megawatts for your solar dollar, while China can share tips about how to build big projects without taking 15 years and going over budget by 500 percent.
So I return to the incipient U.S.-China cold war. To anyone with any sense, it is plainly obvious that neither party can actually defeat the other without also devastating itself. Both countries have nuclear weapons and enormous militaries, backed by equally enormous economies. Yet those economies are also profoundly intertwined — particularly when it comes to climate, as China is by far the largest producer of solar panels. Trying to stand up a domestic renewable industry as the Biden administration is doing is one thing, but total cessation of trade would wreck both China and America, and greatly hinder the global climate transition to boot.
Some kind of 1970s-style detente is obviously called for — a rough agreement where both countries can continue to develop internally and flex some diplomatic muscle abroad, but without blowing up the status quo or getting in a shooting war.
In the social media age, where blasting out the most inflammatory and unhinged message is greatly rewarded, propaganda has arguably never been more powerful or insidious. Vladimir Putin, for instance, was reportedly convinced of a conspiracy theory (originally invented by a segment of the Lyndon LaRouche cult) that the “color revolutions” of the mid-2000s, the Arab Spring, and the Euromaidan in Ukraine, were all secretly cooked up by George Soros and the CIA, which is one reason why he was so hostile to Ukraine joining the EU.
Heading off this kind of misunderstanding with China, which is an order of magnitude more formidable than Russia at least, is critical. And one good way to do that is just to keep diplomatic contact going. Top level officials meeting face to face, where relationships can develop and understanding grow, tends to defuse the grotesque distortions of propaganda lies. It’s no guarantee, of course, but it has worked in the past. The longer serious conflict can be put off, the greater the chance of settling into a live-and-let-live pattern, and the better chance the world has to carry out the energy transition.
Read more about China:
China Could Massively Juice Its Clean Energy Industry. The World Isn’t Ready.
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It was a curious alliance from the start. On the one hand, Donald Trump, who made antipathy toward electric vehicles a core part of his meandering rants. On the other hand, Elon Musk, the man behind the world’s largest EV company, who nonetheless put all his weight, his millions of dollars, and the power of his social network behind the Trump campaign.
With Musk standing by his side on Election Day, Trump has once again secured the presidency. His reascendance sent shock waves through the automotive world, where companies that had been lurching toward electrification with varying levels of enthusiasm were left to wonder what happens now — and what benefits Tesla may reap from having hitched itself to the winning horse.
Certainly the federal government’s stated target of 50% of U.S. new car sales being electric by 2030 is toast, and many of the actions it took in pursuit of that goal are endangered. Although Trump has softened his rhetoric against EVs since becoming buddies with Musk, it’s hard to imagine a Trump administration with any kind of ambitious electrification goal.
During his first go-round as president, Trump attacked the state of California’s ability to set its own ambitious climate-focused rules for cars. No surprise there: Because of the size of the California car market, its regulations helped to drag the entire industry toward lower-emitting vehicles and, almost inevitably, EVs. If Trump changes course and doesn’t do the same thing this time, it’ll be because his new friend at Tesla supports those rules.
The biggest question hanging over electric vehicles, however, is the fate of the Biden administration’s signature achievements in climate and EV policy, particularly the Inflation Reduction Act’s $7,500 federal consumer tax credit for electric vehicles. A Trump administration looks poised to tear down whatever it can of its predecessor’s policy. Some analysts predict it’s unlikely the entire IRA will disappear, but concede Trump would try to kill off the incentives for electric vehicles however he can.
There’s no sugar-coating it: Without the federal incentives, the state of EVs looks somewhat bleak. Knocking $7,500 off the starting price is essential to negate the cost of manufacturing expensive lithium-ion batteries and making EVs cost-competitive with ordinary combustion cars. Consider a crucial model like the new Chevy Equinox EV: Counting the federal incentive, the most basic $35,000 model could come in under the starting price of a gasoline crossover like the Toyota RAV4. Without that benefit, buyers who want to go electric will have to pay a premium to do so — the thing that’s been holding back mass electrification all along.
Musk, during his honeymoon with Trump, boasted that Tesla doesn’t need the tax credits, as if daring the president-elect to kill off the incentives. On the one hand, this is obviously false. Visit Tesla’s website and you’ll see the simplest Model 3 listed for $29,990, but this is a mirage. Take away the $7,500 in incentives and $5,000 in claimed savings versus buying gasoline, and the car actually starts at about $43,000, much further out of reach for non-wealthy buyers.
What Musk really means is that his company doesn’t need the incentives nearly as bad as other automakers do. Ford is hemorrhaging billions of dollars as it struggles to make EVs profitably. GM’s big plan to go entirely electric depended heavily on federal support. As InsideEVsnotes, the likely outcome of a Trump offensive against EVs is that the legacy car brands, faced with an unpredictable electrification roadmap as America oscillates between presidents, scale back their plans and lean back into the easy profitably of big, gas-guzzling SUVs and trucks. Such an about-face could hand Tesla the kind of EV market dominance it enjoyed four or five years ago when it sold around 75% of all electric vehicles in America.
That’s tough news for the climate-conscious Americans who want an electric vehicle built by someone not named Elon Musk. Hundreds of thousands of people, myself included, bought a Tesla during the past five or six years because it was the most practical EV for their lifestyle, only to see the company’s figurehead shift his public persona from goofy troll to Trump acolyte. It’s not uncommon now, as Democrats distance themselves from Tesla, to see Model 3s adorned with bumper stickers like the “Anti-Elon Tesla Club,” as one on a car I followed last month proclaimed. Musk’s newest vehicle, the Cybertruck, is a rolling embodiment of the man’s brand, a vehicle purpose-built to repel anyone not part of his cult of personality.
In a world where this version of Tesla retakes control of the electric car market, it becomes harder to ditch gasoline without indirectly supporting Donald Trump, by either buying a Tesla or topping off at its Superchargers. Blue voters will have some options outside of Tesla — the industry has come too far to simply evaporate because of one election. But it’s also easy to see dispirited progressives throwing up their hands and buying another carbon-spewing Subaru.
Republicans are taking over some of the most powerful institutions for crafting climate policy on Earth.
When Republicans flipped the Senate, they took the keys to three critical energy and climate-focused committees.
These are among the most powerful institutions for crafting climate policy on Earth. The Senate plays the role of gatekeeper for important legislation, as it requires a supermajority to overcome the filibuster. Hence, it’s both where many promising climate bills from the House go to die, as well as where key administrators such as the heads of the Department of Energy and the Environmental Protection Agency are vetted and confirmed.
We’ll have to wait a bit for the Senate’s new committee chairs to be officially confirmed. But Jeff Navin, co-founder at the climate change-focused government affairs firm Boundary Stone Partners, told me that since selections are usually based on seniority, in many cases it’s already clear which Republicans are poised to lead under Trump and which Democrats will assume second-in-command (known as the ranking member). Here’s what we know so far.
This committee has been famously led by Joe Manchin, the former Democrat, now Independent senator from West Virginia, who will retire at the end of this legislative session. Energy and Natural Resources has a history of bipartisan collaboration and was integral in developing many of the key provisions in the Inflation Reduction Act — and could thus play a key role in dismantling them. Overall, the committee oversees the DOE, the Department of the Interior, the U.S. Forest Service, and the Federal Energy Regulatory Commission, so it’s no small deal that its next chairman will likely be Mike Lee, the ultra-conservative Republican from Utah. That’s assuming that the committee's current ranking member, John Barrasso of Wyoming, wins his bid for Republican Senate whip, which seems very likely.
Lee opposes federal ownership of public lands, setting himself up to butt heads with Martin Heinrich, the Democrat from New Mexico and likely the committee’s next ranking member. Lee has also said that solving climate change is simply a matter of having more babies, as “problems of human imagination are not solved by more laws, they’re solved by more humans.” As Navin told me, “We've had this kind of safe space where so-called quiet climate policy could get done in the margins. And it’s not clear that that's going to continue to exist with the new leadership.”
This committee is currently chaired by Democrat Tom Carper of Delaware, who is retiring after this term. Poised to take over is the Republican’s current ranking member, Shelley Moore Capito of West Virginia. She’s been a strong advocate for continued reliance on coal and natural gas power plants, while also carving out areas of bipartisan consensus on issues such as nuclear energy, carbon capture, and infrastructure projects during her tenure on the committee. The job of the Environment and Public Works committee is in the name: It oversees the EPA, writes key pieces of environmental legislation such as the Clean Air Act and Clean Water Act, and supervises public infrastructure projects such as highways, bridges, and dams.
Navin told me that many believe the new Democratic ranking member will be Sheldon Whitehouse of Rhode Island, although to do so, he would have to step down from his perch at the Senate Budget Committee, where he is currently chair. A tireless advocate of the climate cause, Whitehouse has worked on the Environment and Public Works committee for over 15 years, and lately seems to have had a relatively productive working relationship with Capito.
This subcommittee falls under the broader Senate Appropriations Committee and is responsible for allocating funding for the DOE, various water development projects, and various other agencies such as the Nuclear Regulatory Commission.
California’s Dianne Feinstein used to chair this subcommittee until her death last year, when Democrat Patty Murray of Washington took over. Navin told me that the subcommittee’s next leader will depend on how the game of “musical chairs” in the larger Appropriations Committee shakes out. Depending on their subcommittee preferences, the chair could end up being John Kennedy of Louisiana, outgoing Senate Minority Leader Mitch McConnell of Kentucky, or Lisa Murkowski of Alaska. It’s likewise hard to say who the top Democrat will be.
Inside a wild race sparked by a solar farm in Knox County, Ohio.
The most important climate election you’ve never heard of? Your local county commissioner.
County commissioners are usually the most powerful governing individuals in a county government. As officials closer to community-level planning than, say a sitting senator, commissioners wind up on the frontlines of grassroots opposition to renewables. And increasingly, property owners that may be personally impacted by solar or wind farms in their backyards are gunning for county commissioner positions on explicitly anti-development platforms.
Take the case of newly-elected Ohio county commissioner – and Christian social media lifestyle influencer – Drenda Keesee.
In March, Keesee beat fellow Republican Thom Collier in a primary to become a GOP nominee for a commissioner seat in Knox County, Ohio. Knox, a ruby red area with very few Democratic voters, is one of the hottest battlegrounds in the war over solar energy on prime farmland and one of the riskiest counties in the country for developers, according to Heatmap Pro’s database. But Collier had expressed openness to allowing new solar to be built on a case-by-case basis, while Keesee ran on a platform focused almost exclusively on blocking solar development. Collier ultimately placed third in the primary, behind Keesee and another anti-solar candidate placing second.
Fighting solar is a personal issue for Keesee (pronounced keh-see, like “messy”). She has aggressively fought Frasier Solar – a 120 megawatt solar project in the country proposed by Open Road Renewables – getting involved in organizing against the project and regularly attending state regulator hearings. Filings she submitted to the Ohio Power Siting Board state she owns a property at least somewhat adjacent to the proposed solar farm. Based on the sheer volume of those filings this is clearly her passion project – alongside preaching and comparing gay people to Hitler.
Yesterday I spoke to Collier who told me the Frasier Solar project motivated Keesee’s candidacy. He remembered first encountering her at a community meeting – “she verbally accosted me” – and that she “decided she’d run against me because [the solar farm] was going to be next to her house.” In his view, he lost the race because excitement and money combined to produce high anti-solar turnout in a kind of local government primary that ordinarily has low campaign spending and is quite quiet. Some of that funding and activity has been well documented.
“She did it right: tons of ground troops, people from her church, people she’s close with went door-to-door, and they put out lots of propaganda. She got them stirred up that we were going to take all the farmland and turn it into solar,” he said.
Collier’s takeaway from the race was that local commissioner races are particularly vulnerable to the sorts of disinformation, campaign spending and political attacks we’re used to seeing more often in races for higher offices at the state and federal level.
“Unfortunately it has become this,” he bemoaned, “fueled by people who have little to no knowledge of what we do or how we do it. If you stir up enough stuff and you cry out loud enough and put up enough misinformation, people will start to believe it.”
Races like these are happening elsewhere in Ohio and in other states like Georgia, where opposition to a battery plant mobilized Republican primaries. As the climate world digests the federal election results and tries to work backwards from there, perhaps at least some attention will refocus on local campaigns like these.