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A glimmer of hope, courtesy of climate diplomacy.

The past couple years have seen escalating tensions between China and the United States. On the one hand, the brutally repressive nature of the Chinese government has become undeniable, with the crushing of protests in Hong Kong and the ongoing cultural genocide against the Uyghur people in Xinjiang. On the other, the Biden administration has tightened Trump-era technology controls intended to prevent China from developing cutting-edge expertise in semiconductors, as well as other trade restrictions. Chinese and Taiwanese fighter jets are routinely getting into squabbles over Taiwan’s airspace.
It sure looks like another cold war is developing. However, we saw an unexpected diplomatic bright spot during U.S.-China talks this week, when both countries agreed to take steps to triple the world’s renewable energy capacity by 2030, and to cut emissions from power production over the same period. As Lisa Friedman writes at The New York Times, “That appears to be the first time China has agreed to specific emissions targets in any part of its economy.” That is good, and might even help defuse a full blown second cold war.
Now, the agreement did not say anything about cutting coal use, which has previously been a core U.S request. However, this isn’t as meaningful as it might seem. China does use an ungodly quantity of coal — the main reason why it now emits more than 60 percent more carbon pollution than the U.S. and the EU put together — and that is no doubt why cutting coal is not mentioned.
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But Chinese coal will be phased out regardless of any diplomatic agreement, likely sooner rather than later, for two reasons. First, power from natural gas and renewables is now considerably cheaper than that of coal, and increasingly so in the latter case as technology continues to improve. Brute market forces are the primary reason why American coal use peaked in 2007 and has since fallen by 60 percent. Coal power is simply a poor business proposition in 2023 — continuing to use it is leaving money on the table.
Second, the filth spewed forth by burning coal imposes a terrific health burden on the Chinese population. Seemingly every few months a new study is published showing air pollution is even worse than we thought. The air quality in Beijing was an international disgrace for decades; it has since been greatly improved, in part by halting the use of coal for residential heating and cooking. But according to the World Health Organization, air pollution still kills some two million Chinese annually, along with untold cases of asthma, heart disease, high blood pressure, and so on.
All that sickness is extremely expensive — costing America about $2,500 per person annually, according to one study. That’s easily enough that ending the use of fossil fuels would pay for itself over the long term even if you ignore climate change altogether.
In short, the ever-declining price of renewables, and the advancing awareness of just how costly air pollution is, have made the task of climate diplomacy far easier. No great sacrifice is required; countries must simply agree to do what is already in their best interest.
Still, the push of diplomatic agreements have their place. Actually building out a fully zero-carbon economy pencils out on paper, but will require a lot of complicated, expensive, and annoying electricity transmission and storage upgrades to deal with the intermittency of renewable power. Formal commitments can help break through the inertia.
So what is actually happening on the ground? In America, we did finally pass a serious climate bill, four decades after the undeniable proof of climate change was brought to the attention of Congress, in the form of the Inflation Reduction Act. Solar and wind investment are indeed skyrocketing, along with the domestic manufacturing industry intended to buttress that investment politically. It isn’t enough yet, but it’s a good start.
On the Chinese side, it must be admitted that China’s renewable investment wildly outstrips what America is doing, even with the IRA. China has put up 25.6 gigawatts of offshore wind, as compared to America’s pitiful 30 megawatts, or about one-thousandth as much. This year alone China will put up more solar than the entirety of America’s extant installed solar capacity. Nobody on earth does big and fast better than China.
That said, China’s planning of renewables appears to be quite haphazard, particularly on solar. As David Fickling writes at Bloomberg, the amount of solar power actually produced relative to capacity is not far from the U.K. and France — temperate countries with a lot of cloud cover. This is because thus far the bulk of China’s solar has been placed in the temperate south and east, rather than in the dry north and west. So while the volume is about right, the execution isn’t there yet.
Incidentally, this might be a worthy topic for future climate talks — America can share best practices about getting the largest number of megawatts for your solar dollar, while China can share tips about how to build big projects without taking 15 years and going over budget by 500 percent.
So I return to the incipient U.S.-China cold war. To anyone with any sense, it is plainly obvious that neither party can actually defeat the other without also devastating itself. Both countries have nuclear weapons and enormous militaries, backed by equally enormous economies. Yet those economies are also profoundly intertwined — particularly when it comes to climate, as China is by far the largest producer of solar panels. Trying to stand up a domestic renewable industry as the Biden administration is doing is one thing, but total cessation of trade would wreck both China and America, and greatly hinder the global climate transition to boot.
Some kind of 1970s-style detente is obviously called for — a rough agreement where both countries can continue to develop internally and flex some diplomatic muscle abroad, but without blowing up the status quo or getting in a shooting war.
In the social media age, where blasting out the most inflammatory and unhinged message is greatly rewarded, propaganda has arguably never been more powerful or insidious. Vladimir Putin, for instance, was reportedly convinced of a conspiracy theory (originally invented by a segment of the Lyndon LaRouche cult) that the “color revolutions” of the mid-2000s, the Arab Spring, and the Euromaidan in Ukraine, were all secretly cooked up by George Soros and the CIA, which is one reason why he was so hostile to Ukraine joining the EU.
Heading off this kind of misunderstanding with China, which is an order of magnitude more formidable than Russia at least, is critical. And one good way to do that is just to keep diplomatic contact going. Top level officials meeting face to face, where relationships can develop and understanding grow, tends to defuse the grotesque distortions of propaganda lies. It’s no guarantee, of course, but it has worked in the past. The longer serious conflict can be put off, the greater the chance of settling into a live-and-let-live pattern, and the better chance the world has to carry out the energy transition.
Read more about China:
China Could Massively Juice Its Clean Energy Industry. The World Isn’t Ready.
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American offshore wind’s existential crisis was laid bare at this year’s Climate Week.
California and New York officials gathered on Tuesday at the New York Bar Association in Manhattan to tell attendees of the annual climate action mega-event about their efforts to hold the Trump administration to account. After Trump regulators upended wind projects off the East Coast and struck buyout trades with energy developers to ditch ocean wind leases, both states filed fresh legal action against the administration, targeting what they said were egregious abuses of taxpayer dollars that canceled once-promising projects that would’ve given gigawatts of power to grids expecting energy demand to spike.
“Every megawatt in offshore wind power is not a megawatt of fossil fuel generated power. That’s really important. That means fewer emissions that contribute to respiratory and cardiac disease,” Lem Srolovic, bureau chief of the New York attorney general’s environmental protection bureau, said at the event, as he and California attorney general Rob Bonta laid out the view that Trump’s actions against offshore wind were illegal.
The federal courts have concurred thus far, and it’s possible more judges will agree. But later in the event, Doreen Harris – CEO and President of the New York State Energy Research and Development Authority – said the quiet part out loud.
“Ultimately, the challenge we have in litigation is that even if successful, we deal with realities of what a commercial entity would do in response to these risks. That remains unresolved,” Harris confessed. “How do we move to an investable future for energy infrastructure if this is the way energy infrastructure has to be advanced?”
Indeed, more litigation clearly isn’t going to help the offshore wind sector’s prospects. As we’ve reported on time and again, the Trump administration has not only used every regulatory lever imaginable – and some once unimaginable – to delay wind farms, both on and offshore. But it has gone beyond the legal, now stalling onshore wind in ways industry says stretches the boundaries of court remedy. If that’s the case on solid ground, what future could possibly exist in the U.S. for an industry that must build entirely in federal waters? And even if Trump leaves office providing for a more industry-friendly president, couldn’t a future successor undo whatever they do as well?
“There may be some hesitancy to reinvest in offshore wind in the U.S. given what has happened in the Trump administration,” Kevin Beicke, vice president of project finance at Morningstar DBRS, told me in a phone interview. This week Morningstar, a leading market analysis firm, agreed with Harris’ assessment and reaffirmed a negative outlook for the entire American offshore wind industry through at least 2028 – adding the future beyond that horizon is essentially unknown.
“It’s my view these companies would need to see some kind of substantial support for their industry if they were to try and get back into it under a future administration. And public support would be needed to support a future administration providing regulatory and financial support to the U.S. offshore wind industry.”
So this begs the question: why are states bothering with litigation they probably know won’t improve the offshore wind sector’s fortunes in the near term?
Harris told me after the event that part of the litigation is to provide a signal to the business community that they shouldn’t abandon the U.S. offshore wind industry in the future.
“Very much so. It’s a move intended not only to preserve the processes and systems that are supposed to apply but also to say, ‘We are here because we are committed to the resource, and we’re committed to the companies developing it, and they can consider a state a partner to realize those outcomes.’ That’s what we want them to understand,” she told me.
Harris’ indignation didn’t surprise me, but it was especially prescient, as New York City’s annual Climate Week chaos became embroiled in a “will they or won’t they” news cycle around Trump’s freeze on wind energy permits. During the offshore wind event, news broke in Politico that President Trump told Interior Secretary Doug Burgum and Energy Secretary Chris Wright that he agreed to “green-light wind energy projects to strike [a] permitting deal” and that they’d “lift” the “blockade of renewable energy projects to get Senate Democrats moving on permitting.” The next day, at Heatmap House, Wright himself declined to speak declaratively on that report, instead signalling the issue was still a live ball. But he said a permitting deal would address concerns about “easier to build everything in America.”
Wright also suggested the administration had actively debated the de facto freeze on height clearances for wind turbines, which has essentially snagged the entire sector. “Wind has been very controversial and there have been spirited dialogues in the administration about this,” Wright told my colleague Robinson Meyer. “I do believe a successful permitting reform thing changes the playing field for anything you want to build in this country, including wind.”
When I asked Harris about the Politico report, she told me she’d rather focus on the courts. The same goes for California Energy Commission chair David Hochschild, who told me he doesn’t believe anonymous reports about a president “who also promised no new endless wars.”
“We want to make it crystal clear we’re going to fight for this and our support [for offshore wind] is going to continue,” Hochschild said. “The legal fight we’re engaged in now is necessary but not sufficient. We have a lot more work to do to build the ecosystem that’s necessary for this to come to fruition. For research and development. For permitting. For infrastructure. It’s a lot of work but we’ve done this before. All these barriers existed when we started with solar in the early days when there was skepticism.”
And more of the week’s top news around project development.
1. Ada County, Idaho – Trump’s push for more data centers on federal lands is causing a lot more ruckus and catching another solar company in the cross-fire.
2. Carbon County, Wyoming – Tell me if you’ve heard this one before: The Trump administration just delayed a large fossil-free power project after criticism from a powerful Republican senator. But this time, it’s hydropower.
3. Crawford County, Wisconsin – Fighting transmission lines in Wisconsin is bipartisan now.
4. Highland County, Ohio – If you want good news, here’s a slightly positive story in Ohio.
A conversation with Tom Matzzie of the Invest in Tomorrow Coalition
This week’s Q&A is with Tom Matzzie, chair of the Invest in Tomorrow Coalition – a pro-renewables Super PAC fighting lawmakers of both sides of the aisle who spurn the sector. The Super PAC won quite a few victories during the primary season, successfully boosting challengers to hardline conservatives in the U.S. that fought for cuts to the Inflation Reduction Act and are no longer going to serve in the Lower Chamber. Matzzie, also CEO of solar firm CleanChoice Energy, is intent the sector must go on offense to win more public bipartisan support and survive the Trump 2.0 era.
I chatted with Matzzie to hear how he’s looking at the general election season. The conversation revealed to me they want the renewables industry to be seen as politically lethal. And they’re paying close attention to the Wisconsin gubernatorial race.
The following conversation was lightly edited for clarity.
So first of all, how is your role going to change as we go into the general elections?
We’re focused on accountability for elected officials who decide they want to attack the clean energy industry, making it harder for us to exist. We have elected officials who say they want to kill projects. Our industry employs hundreds of thousands of people, and we also deploy hundreds of millions in capital, so we look at the attacks on the industry as something that needs accountability.
It’s not about people we just disagree with. It’s about the worst of the worst. And that will continue to be the focus.
We’re not announcing the new races as of yet. But if you look at what we did during the primary season we focused on members of the House Freedom Caucus who had a history of attacking the industry for their own political gain. We also supported a Republican during a primary who was being attacked by the chief NIMBY in her district.
Our M.O. will continue to focus on the House Freedom Caucus and people like them. These ideological trophy hunters on the far right are extremists.
By the end of the month, we’ll announce for sure. It’ll be a five-or-six week campaign towards Election Day.
How many candidates will be targeted?
No more than ten. I feel confident saying that.
Walk me through how you decide the message against these candidates?
The important thing is, we’re crafting a message about the industry. We’re telling a story about us. Whether we’re stronger or to be feared or to be ignored. So to that regard, the effectiveness and lethality of our political apparatus matters a lot.
While many voters care about our issues, in most elections, we’re not the top issues. There’s other things that would be more effective attacks on the incumbent or a way to build up a challenger. We go in, we do message research, we figure out the most efficacious way to move the voters we want to move, and this is the best practice in modern politics is to use data-driven approaches to targeting both voters and the message. What media they consume, how you reach them.
We’re telling a story about us, not just our issues.
As you determine what races to get into, how are you taking into account the whole “data center trojan horse” situation, like what’s happening in Wiscons–
So absolutely, we’re paying close attention to [GOP gubernatorial candidate] Tom Tiffany in Wisconsin, and his smear that every data center means 100,000 acres lost [for solar]. Which by the way, 100,000 acres of solar could probably power most of the upper Midwest. So yeah, we’re paying attention to what Tom Tiffany is saying in his race.
That’s the short way of saying it.
How is the data center backlash and the role it's playing in the midterms affecting your decision-making?
It’s not. We use a data driven approach on what to say, and you follow that approach without much concern because the data is better than rumors on the internet, for lack of a better term.
What we do know is that data centers that embrace solar and wind have received more popular support in those communities. Data centers that have community benefit agreements and more responsible purchase development have received better receptiveness.
If they’re concerned about a data center, they’re going to be even more concerned about natural gas on site. But we don’t see it showing up in the research at this point.
There’s a lot of research [showing] voters care about data centers but affordability is the primary thing showing up in the research as what voters are concerned about.