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On Abu Dhabi aluminum, Brazil’s offshore wind, and Dominica’s geothermal

Current conditions: Two major storms, Tropical Cyclone Maila and Tropical Cyclone Vaianu are barreling through the South Pacific • San Juan, Puerto Rico’s capital, is on track for heavy thunderstorms with lightning throughout most of the week • Temperatures in the Philippines’ densest northern cities are set to hit 100 degrees Fahrenheit this week.
It’s become a sort of dark ritual for the past two weeks, where President Donald Trump threatens to unleash a bombing blitz on Iran’s power stations — escalating the conflict in a way that mirrors Russia’s campaign against Ukraine. Well, it’s that time again. In a Sunday post on his Truth Social network, the president said Tuesday will be what he called “power plant day,” when the United States military will target Iran’s electrical station in addition to its bridges. “There will be nothing like it,” Trump wrote with three exclamation points, before dropping an F-bomb, calling the Iranian regime “crazy bastards,” and offering a “Praise be to Allah.”
In his past threats, typically postponed by the time markets opened Monday morning, Trump emphasized that the U.S. would target “all” of Iran’s power stations. That would include the Bushehr nuclear plant, Iran’s first and only civilian atomic power station. The plant’s single Russian-made reactor came online in September 2011, just six months after the Fukushima disaster in Japan. Russia’s state-owned nuclear company, Rosatom, was working on expanding the facility with additional reactors when the war began. Rosatom has warned that U.S. and Israeli missiles struck too close for comfort to the Bushehr facility, and criticized United Nations officials for holding Washington to a different standard than Moscow. Russia’s occupation of the Zaporizhzhia atomic power plant and turning Europe’s largest nuclear station into a front line in the war with Kyiv drew widespread condemnation.
If only oil and gas were the only commodities choked off from the global economy by Iran’s military at the Strait of Hormuz. There’s helium, urea, and plastics ingredients such as polyethylene. And then, of course, there’s aluminum. Before the war, demand for aluminum had soared to record highs in China, and the U.S. had just begun laying the groundwork for a new smelter. In fact, that deal was between a U.S. company and Emirates Global Aluminum, which, as I reported in January, was looking to expand its footprint in America. Now the Abu Dhabi-based industrial giant has some problems at home. The Middle East’s biggest aluminum producer said the Al Taweelah smelter that went into emergency shutdown last week following damage from Iranian missiles and drones may take as long as a year to restore its full output. The company said Friday that it had completed its initial damage assessment and “is in contact with customers whose shipments may be impacted,” Mining.com reported.
Offshore wind is a bit like a mullet. It triggered one hell of a backlash in the U.S. But the Australians embrace it, and now it could get big in Brazil. The government in Brasilia has established the guidelines for regulating offshore wind development, including the rules for designating patches of the coast to energy production and permitting, according to offshoreWIND.biz. Back in January, Australia scheduled its first offshore wind tender for later this year, adding itself to the list of countries looking to establish or expand seaward turbine farms even as the U.S. tries to smother its nascent industry. The Netherlands just put out a tender for a gigawatt of additional offshore wind, Renewables Now reported.
Meanwhile, another of the Trump administration’s multi-pronged efforts to quash the U.S. offshore wind sector is coming in for scrutiny. Last month, as I previously wrote, the Department of the Interior brokered a deal to pay the French energy giant TotalEnergies $1 billion to shut down two offshore wind farms in the U.S. and invest instead in natural gas. Two leading progressives in Congress are now calling for the administration to halt the payment. In a letter sent last week to Secretary of the Interior Doug Burgum, Representative Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez of New York and Massachusetts Senator Ed Markey called the plan “legally dubious.”
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Just a month ago, BYD unveiled newer, faster Flash Chargers, so swift they “basically make recharging your EV as quick as getting gas,” InsideEVs wrote. Now the Chinese automotive giant has already rolled out the next-generation chargers at at least 5,000 stations across China. The buildout comes as BYD races to gain a retail foothold in North America now that Canada has eased its tariffs. As I previously wrote, the company has already selected 20 sites for dealerships.
China’s wind turbine giant Mingyang is investing $10 billion into renewables, green hydrogen, and ammonia projects in Ethiopia. The Ethiopian Investment Commission, a government agency, called the deal a “transformative move for the energy sector,” coming a week after the company teased a larger investment at an economic forum in Addis Ababa. Mingyang ranked as the world’s third-largest wind manufacturer by gigawatts last year, as I wrote last month, one of China’s top champions in a growing sector.

Dominica is one of the most isolated and underdeveloped island nations in the Caribbean, often called “the nature isle.” So it makes sense that the country’s population of less than 70,000 people would avoid the oil-burning trap that afflicts the power sectors in Cuba and Puerto Rico and skip straight to harvesting renewable energy from beneath the island’s charmingly not-Margaritaville-ified shores. A new 10-megawatt geothermal power plant in the inland town of Laudat has entered “advanced stages of commissioning and has started supplying electricity to the grid,” ThinkGeoEnergy reported.
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The August Electricity Price Hub data is in.
It’s another hot and expensive summer.
Across the country, average household electricity bills are up 2.7% in the first eight months of the year, according to the latest update to Heatmap and MIT’s Electricity Price Hub, tacking on $4 per month to the typical bill. This level of rise is consistent with the pace set in 2024 and 2025, but faster than 2021 and 2023.
As we’ve discussed before, some of the fastest growth in prices comes either in the Atlantic Seaboard — with Washington, D.C., Virginia, and New Jersey all having year over year growth rates of at least 7.5% — thanks largely to increased demand and capacity payments in the PJM Interconnection marketplace. Another standout so far this year is Hawaii, which is uniquely dependent on imported oil to power its grid and has seen its 12-month trailing average prices rise by over 8% so far this year.
California, which is well known for seeing especially sharp price increases in recent years largely due to wildfire-related costs, has seen somewhat restrained bill growth so far this year across the state, with the 12-month-rolling average bill rising just 3% in the past 12 months and prices going up 4%. (That price level is still quite high, however, at almost 32 cents per kilowatt-hour, compared to a national average of around 19.)
Rates charged by Southern California Edison, one of the state’s big three investor-owned utilities, are up almost 15% in the past year, averaged across its baseline regions. The MIT researchers attribute this increase to two major factors: one, a decrease in the California Climate Credit, which is paid out to electricity customers from the state’s emissions cap-and-invest program. This year, the credit for Southern California Edison ratepayers is $72, applied to bills in July and August in tranches of $36. Last year, by contrast, Southern California Edison handed out $112 in two tranches, April and October.
The second factor in Southern California Edison’s inflated bills is an increase in the fixed charge portion of the bills ratepayers receive. Following changes in California state law designed to distribute the cost of the grid more equitably, SCE revamped its rate structure at the end of last year to include a “Base Services Charge” of $24 per month for customers not enrolled in any special rate program. At the same time, SCE instituted a roughly 10% decrease in its per-kilowatt-hour electricity rate in order to protect lower-income ratepayers (who would pay a fixed charge substantially lower than the baseline $24). PG&E moved to a similar system earlier this year.
When it introduced the new rates in November of last year, SCE said that “medium energy users” would likely see little change in their bills. Price Hub data suggests, however, that the typical household has seen a bill increase from the new service charge of 13%, even before accounting for the smaller climate credit.
Voltpost announced two new models today designed to mount on walls and ceilings.
Voltpost, the company putting electric vehicle chargers on lampposts, is now expanding to parking garages.
On Wednesday, the company unveiled two new configurations that can attach to the walls and ceilings of parking garages, lots, and other locations without easy access to streetlights or utility poles. Like Voltpost’s signature pole-mounted design, the ceiling- and wall-mounted options avoid the expensive construction work required by freestanding charging infrastructure. In theory at least, that should allow the company to deploy more chargers faster.
“Our mission has always been to decarbonize mobility by democratizing charging access,” Jeff Prosserman, Voltpost’s co-founder and CEO, told me. “And the real value proposition is that, when you can leverage the existing infrastructure, you can significantly reduce the cost, the timeline, and the physical footprint of chargers.”
The second Trump administration hasn’t made things easy. Almost immediately after taking office, Trump officials began slashing Biden-era programs designed to support the EV charging buildout, including the National Electric Vehicle Infrastructure and Charging and Fueling Infrastructure programs. Along with a handful of environmental groups, 17 states sued in May of last year to force the federal government to release NEVI funding and quickly received a preliminary injunction unfreezing the program. A similar group sued in December over the CFI funding, and though that case is still pending, Prosserman told me he expects to see a positive resolution before the end of the year.
Though the death of the EV tax credit has shrunk its addressable market, Voltpost has emerged relatively unscathed. “Honestly, that doesn’t really impact us at all,” Prosserman told Heatmap’s Katie Brigham last year. “At the end of the day, EV adoption will either increase X or Y percent in a given year, but it’s going to continue to increase year over year. We’re past the tipping point, going from early adopters into the mainstream.”
That said, he also told Katie that the company was taking a “more conservative approach” to growth as climate tech investment dried up. Voltpost itself also received several federal grants that are still in limbo. Instead, the company focused on its strategic partnerships with the likes of AT&T and Zipcar, and in July signed an agreement with InCharge Energy to handle installation and maintenance. To date, Voltpost’s funders include RWE Energy Transition Investments, a private equity vehicle within German energy giant RWE, alongside Twynam Funds Management, Exelon Foundation, Good News Ventures, and Climate Capital.
Like its lamppost chargers, Voltpost’s wall- and ceiling-mount kits work with Tesla and non-Tesla vehicles alike, and come with demand management software that responds to electricity time-of-use price signals to enable cheaper charging where and when possible. As for the cost of the kits and how many the company plans to install initially, Prosserman wouldn’t say.
Since deploying its first lamppost chargers in New York in 2024, Voltpost has expanded into California, Massachusetts, and Washington, D.C., among other states. It has more than 100 deployments in the pipeline through the end of this year, and is aiming for 10,000 by 2030. The point, Prosserman told me, is not to stand out in these communities, but rather to fit in.
“It’s not going to be just about greenfield project development if we’re going to decarbonize a planet across all aspects,” Prosserman said. “We’re really looking at building something that’s integrated, that fits in the fabric of the built environment and communities.”
A proposed change in how the agency implements an obscure Cold War-era law would impose onerous reporting requirements on renewables and pipelines.
Democrats in Congress claim that a new Trump administration proposal will have a chilling effect on the energy sector by subjecting renewables and fossil fuel pipelines alike to an obscure, rarely cited Cold War-era law requiring detailed information on foreign farmland ownership be submitted to the Agriculture Department.
In late June, the Agriculture Department released a proposal to change implementation of the Agricultural Foreign Investment Disclosure Act of 1978, which requires companies to provide information to the federal government on foreign investors in farmland holdings, acquisitions, and sales. If finalized, the new rule would expand the definition of “agricultural land” in regulation to include all renewable energy facilities and pipeline corridors by explicitly tying the term to those industries’ formal codes under the North American Industry Classification System.
Top Senate Democrats on Monday argued that taken together with expanded investor reporting thresholds and land boundary mapping requirements, this rule change “may exceed what is necessary” to deal with national security issues around farmland ownership.
One of the letter’s signatories, Pennsylvania’s John Fetterman, has previously joined the GOP in railing against foreign companies purchasing U.S. farmland as a potential national security concern. And indeed, there certainly exists a broader bipartisan anxiety around Chinese influence on essential industries, e.g. mining and critical minerals. That Fetterman is now joining climate hawks Martin Heinrich and Sheldon Whitehouse in opposing the administration’s move is a striking moment of unity, especially as Fetterman bats away beltway rumors that he’ll flip parties.
The letter demands a briefing from the Agriculture Department that includes the proposal’s “anticipated impacts on the energy, infrastructure, and agricultural sectors,” as well as the legal basis for changing its definition of “agricultural land.”
“[W]e are concerned that USDA’s proposed rule may exceed what is necessary to address those objectives, have unintended national security consequences, and may create substantial compliance burdens on agricultural producers, landowners, infrastructure operators, energy developers, and investors that could undermine efforts to address rising energy and food prices without a corresponding national security benefit,” the letter reads.
As I have previously written, the USDA is an increasingly vital organ in the Trump administration’s war on renewable energy projects, and focusing its laser beam at project development on what it calls “prime” farmland. Trump also recently tapped country music star John Rich to be his “special envoy for American landowners,” which directly led to the USDA working with people fighting solar on farmland in upstate New York.
The Trump change goes after pipelines as well as renewable energy, although logic suggests that solar development could be more vulnerable due to the sheer acreage often required for utility-scale project construction and property setbacks.
The Agriculture Department responded to my request for comment with a statement: “As Secretary [Brooke] Rollins has noted before, the regulations governing the Agricultural Foreign Investment Disclosure Act of 1978 are extremely outdated and need to be updated to better reflect today’s conditions. USDA looks forward to considering all public comments before finalizing the rule.”
Editor’s note: This story has been updated to include the statement from USDA.