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The Greenhouse Gas Protocol released updates on its looming new emissions accounting rules. Here’s what they mean.

The world’s most important climate standard-setting group released a spate of updates on Wednesday about two controversial and hotly anticipated projects: its effort to revise guidance for measuring electricity emissions and its new partnership with a competing standards organization.
The nonprofit Greenhouse Gas Protocol sets voluntary carbon accounting rules for companies, which it has been in the process of revising for the past two years. It released the first product of this effort — new rules for accounting for the clean energy purchases that companies make — for public comment last fall.
Around the same time, it also announced it was planning to “harmonize” its standards with those developed by the International Organization for Standardization, or ISO, a much larger entity that sets rules for measurement, safety, and quality across a wide range of industries and products. The two organizations operate under very different governance structures, and it was unclear how the marriage would work.
While it’s voluntary for companies to adhere to either group’s standards, most do, as it legitimizes their environmental claims. Soon, though, larger corporations operating in Europe and California will be required to abide by one of the two accounting rules under new emissions disclosure rules. Today, the Protocol has a far larger userbase, but the existence of the two standards is awkward, and business groups have been asking for reconciliation.
Now the Protocol says the merger will have the two organizations consolidate their disparate workstreams into a single corporate carbon accounting standard that will be put out for public comment next year. Meanwhile, the public feedback on the clean energy proposal is out — and the response was overwhelmingly negative.
Here’s what we know so far about what’s next on both fronts.
Companies hate the electricity proposal
About 70% of the nearly 1,100 respondents to the public consultation opposed criteria that would require companies to match their electricity consumption with purchases of clean energy generated in the same hour if they wanted to claim they used that clean power. A smaller majority, at 59%, opposed a rule to require that the clean energy be generated in the same regional electric grid, a strategy known as “deliverability.”
These results aren’t exactly a surprise given who participated. More than 60% of responses came from the companies that would be subject to these rules and the industry groups and consultants who represent them. They weren’t the only opponents, however. There also proved to be a pretty even split of opinion within the nonprofits and researchers who engaged.

The experts who drafted these rules were trying to improve the status quo, where companies can inaccurately claim they are fully powered by solar panels, even at night, or say they are using wind power that’s generated halfway across the world. Now the authors will have to go back to the drawing board, this time with more explicit direction to find “common ground that the plurality can see themselves in,” Tim Mohin, the CEO of the Greenhouse Gas Protocol, told me.
I’ve written in the past about how the debate over how to measure electricity emissions is just as philosophical as it is technical. Proponents of hourly matching and deliverability argue that these features make for more accurate claims that also incentivize investment in the wider range of resources that will be needed to fully decarbonize the grid, such as geothermal power plants and batteries. Detractors argue such rules will make corporate clean energy procurement more complicated and costly and deter companies from doing it at all.
Both views are present in the results of the consultation — the latter just has more voices behind it. Interestingly, about only about 20% of the government institutions that participated supported the hourly matching requirement, but all of them were either supportive or neutral on deliverability. The majority of opponents were okay with the Protocol giving companies the option to report their emissions using the hourly matching and deliverability requirements, however.

The new CEO’s philosophy
I asked Mohin, who joined the Protocol as CEO in April, about the imbalance in who participated in the public consultation process, and how the organization would take that into account. He said the Protocol’s job as a standard setter was to find common ground, and that “clearly, with what we got back in the consultation draft, we haven’t gotten there yet.”
Did he see the Protocol’s job as facilitating climate action, I then asked, or ensuring accurate reporting and comparable data?
“Our vision is decarbonization. That's why we do what we do,” he told me. “There is a difference between accuracy and precision. Accuracy is good enough to make a decision to lead to decarbonization. Precision is trying to tweak it all the way down to some more precise number. We are focused on accuracy so that we can get to decarbonization.”
Mohin noted that one commonality across all sides of the debate is a desire to make the electricity emissions accounting standard more rigorous — the disagreement comes from how to do it. He said the staff has been “working on solutions that could feed into the technical working group,” which will “restart the process” in an in-person meeting this fall.
Merging four workstreams into one
When the electricity working group reconvenes this fall, it will be under the Protocol’s new plan to join forces with the ISO.
Originally, the Greenhouse Gas Protocol had convened four separate expert groups to work on different aspects of its standard. While the “scope 2” group was updating the method for estimating electricity emissions, a “corporate standard” group was revising the underlying bible guiding corporate carbon accounting. A “scope 3” group was also tightening the rules for tallying indirect emissions, such as those resulting from when customers use a company’s product. Lastly, an “actions and market instruments” group was developing a new framework for companies to report their purchases of low-carbon fuel, carbon removal, and other types of carbon credits.
Each of these workstreams was set to assemble their own draft proposals, put them out for public comment, and then finalize them separately. To date, only the scope 2 group has reached the public consultation phase.
Now, the Protocol is scrapping that plan. ISO experts have joined the Protocol’s working groups and are already contributing to their proposals. Once all are ready for public comment, they will be combined and released as one, consensus-based draft standard.
After the public consultation and any further revisions, the two organizations will each vote to ratify the new standard separately through their distinct governance processes. Assuming they both approve it, the end product will be a single, co-branded standard.
On the Protocol’s side, the group’s independent standards board will vote on the proposal. If approved, a steering committee will assess it to ensure that it meets all pre-established goals and requirements, then ratify it.
The ISO is structured differently. It’s a membership organization made up of national standards bodies from nearly every country in the world, and it is ultimately the members that get to vote to approve new or revised standards.
I asked Mohin what would happen if one group voted to ratify the standard and the other rejected it.
“I haven’t really thought about that, but it’s a really good question,” he said. “I don’t believe that’s going to be an outcome.”
Tensions remain
There are other reasons this is an awkward marriage.
In some ways, the ISO is the more authoritative organization, having set more than 25,000 international standards adopted by countries around the world. But when it comes to greenhouse gas emissions, it’s lagged behind. By the time the ISO created a carbon accounting standard in 2006, the Greenhouse Gas Protocol was already established, and contained much more detail. The ISO standard also costs hundreds of dollars to access, while Protocol standards are freely available.
Michael Gillenwater, the executive director of the Greenhouse Gas Management Institute, which is engaged in standards development at both the ISO and the Protocol, told me the two were not that different. Still, most companies have followed the Protocol’s standard, he said, because it’s free and has a longer track record.
The Greenhouse Gas Protocol has also taken strides to embed transparency and accountability into its process. Its technical working groups are made up of a diverse range of experts from industry, academia, and NGOs. The names and affiliations of everyone involved in the process are published on the group’s website, and most of their meeting minutes and working drafts are shared publicly.
The Protocol has come under fire recently for not totally adhering to its governance principles. A member of its independent board resigned in protest last month, accusing the organization of covering up a complaint he filed about misconduct in the development of a standard for forest carbon accounting.
Still, it’s more transparent than the ISO. There, the technical committees that draft the standards are staffed by experts appointed by members. The focus is much more on geographical representation than diversity of expertise. Additional stakeholders can get involved in the drafting process as "liaisons,” but they cannot vote. The ISO also does not disclose the names of the experts staffing its technical committees, nor does it publish any of the documents they produce.
For the consolidation of the corporate emissions standard, these differences may not matter as much, as it appears that the Greenhouse Gas Protocol is simply integrating ISO members into its existing processes. The Protocol has already added the names of the ISO experts joining its working groups to its website.
The two organizations also plan to work together on additional standards, however, and transparency has already been an issue. A new, joint working group convened to develop an accounting standard for the emissions embedded in individual products has already begun meeting, but the ISO has not disclosed who it has appointed to the group, and the meeting minutes are going to be stored on the ISO’s repository, which is not accessible to the public. Only high-level summaries will be shared broadly.
When I raised these concerns with Mohin and how they might affect the Protocol’s reputation, he acknowledged there were differences in how the two organizations operated, but said he was not worried. “I think those differences are small compared to the benefits that we are accomplishing with this,” he said, adding that this is “really what the world wants, to have a single global common language.”
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In Providence, at least, climate change is still on the ballot.
Here’s some trivia for you: What was the first state to see its average temperature break the 2-degree Celsius threshold for warming above pre-industrial levels? It wasn’t Alaska, the fastest-warming state, nor was it California or Florida, states with some of the most visible impacts of the extreme weather crisis. It was not Arizona or Texas, either, though “hot” and “warming” are often conflated.
The answer, in fact, is humble Rhode Island, which passed the international benchmark for accelerated climatic impacts back in 2019. It is perhaps less surprising, then, to learn that in the Ocean State’s largest city, Providence, climate change and how to adapt to it have become one of the central talking points in a heated mayoral race, which in the deep-blue city is likely to culminate in the September 9 primary.
There is plenty to worry voters. Providence sits at the head of Narragansett Bay, which has warmed 1.6 degrees Celsius, enough to drive lobsters from the region and convert the local lobstermen into crabbers, fishing for crustaceans they previously considered bycatch. The sea level has risen on Rhode Island’s 400-plus miles of coastline by more than 10 inches since 1930, more than in Venice or Miami, meaning the city floods frequently. Locals hold their breath every hurricane season; a hit from a category 4 or larger storm could tally billions in damages. And as home to the biggest port in the region, Providence is also an unfortunate case study in industrial and fossil-fuel-related pollution affecting historically redlined neighborhoods.
“Since I’ve been in office, we’ve had dramatic, chronic flooding. We’ve had high heat days in the fall that have closed public schools, which is not something that ever happens here in September,” Providence Mayor Brett Smiley told me. “We had some of the highest snowfall in recorded history [in the city]. We’re seeing the effects.”
Smiley, who was elected in 2022, has described investing in infrastructure upgrades for the nearly four-century-old city as one of his “principal responsibilities” as mayor. During his second year in office, he signed an ordinance requiring all of the 122 city-owned buildings to decarbonize by 2040, and that fall published a 10-year plan that introduced air quality, heat, and stormwater management goals, provisions aimed at curbing pollution at the Port of Providence, and would have effectively banned the construction of new gas stations. (A later amendment relaxed the restrictions.) He’s also invested in long-overdue repairs to the city’s hurricane barriers.
This year, Smiley also announced the creation of a Green Revolving Fund to support Providence’s ambitious carbon neutrality goals. “I’ve been in government long enough to know that operating budgets can change as priorities change, and so having a dedicated recurring revenue stream is vital to ensuring that this work continues,” he said.
In the face of federal headwinds, and at a time when the political currency of “climate change,” at least in so many words, is on the downswing, Smiley’s focus on climate issues stands out. That is especially true against the backdrop of a broader state-level reassessment of environmental goals, with Democratic Governor Dan McKee proposing a budget earlier this year that would have slashed climate programs funded by monthly utility charges in the name of affordability. Though Rhode Island lawmakers ultimately rejected that rollback, McKee’s move fits into a larger trend in the region of blue-state politicians in places like Maryland, Massachusetts, and New York curbing or weakening climate ambitions under the pressure of affordability politics. (McKee also faces his own competitive primary.)
“Providence alone can’t solve the climate crisis. But our actions, at least in Rhode Island, are pushing other communities in the state to take action,” Smiley said.
But there are others — including Smiley’s progressive challenger, State Representative David Morales — who say the mayor’s tenure has been a lot of talk and little action, and that he’s neglected Providence’s low-income and frontline communities.
Morales’ campaign did not get back to me for this article, despite requests through multiple channels. But Steve Ahlquist, an independent reporter who follows environmental justice-related issues in Rhode Island, also told me that “over the years, and also in dealing with Mayor Smiley as an incumbent, I’ve had some real difficulty with what I would even call basic honesty out of his administration.” He added that the mayor’s office has a history of downplaying and denying police harassment of unhoused people in particular, including lying about the presence of police officers at a homeless encampment and their involvement in an “illegal search” in 2023.
When I asked the Smiley administration about Ahlquist’s accusations, press secretary Carl Austin Miller Grondin told me the city has a “multi-department approach” for addressing encampments of which “Providence Police are one piece,” though he didn’t address the 2023 incident directly. As for the idea that Smiley represents the status quo, Grondin said the mayor has made “significant investments” in programs for underprivileged groups including affordable housing, eviction prevention, public schools and youth programming, and public safety.
Ahlquist also finds Smiley’s talk about affordability and clean energy false, however. Smiley notably vetoed a rent control ordinance, despite the city having some of the highest rates in the country, and while serving as former Governor Gina Raimondo’s chief of staff between 2016 and 2019, he helped push for the expansion of fossil fuel infrastructure in the form of a $1 billion fracked gas and diesel oil power plant that was ultimately thwarted by community pushback. (Grondin told me “rent control policies do not lower rents” and that the mayor “has instead taken a disciplined, results-driven approach to lowering housing costs.” The power plant project was proposed before Smiley’s tenure in Raimondo’s administration, he added.)
Morales, 27, is a Democratic Socialist and has won the backing of Vermont’s Independent Senator Bernie Sanders. His scrappy campaign against an establishment incumbent Democrat has earned him comparisons to New York City’s young, charismatic Mayor Zohran Mamdani. Unlike Mamdani, however, Morales has made climate central to his campaign.
Morales has gone after Smiley particularly hard on environmental justice issues, sensing a weak spot in his record. “Industrial facilities near the Port of Providence have polluted our neighborhoods for decades,” his issues page reads. “David will require them to contribute more toward the city services and infrastructure our communities deserve.”
A nearly two-mile stretch of Allens Avenue, which flanks the port, is home to asphalt plants, scrap metal recyclers, oil and gas companies, and petroleum storage tanks with a history of leaks, spills, dumps, and other forms of contamination. Locals complain that even just driving along the avenue is enough to make you sick, with 11 identified polluters within a mile radius of National Grid’s newest LNG plant. Traffic to and from the port adds to the odor — and health impacts — in the neighboring communities of South Providence and Washington Park, which have some of the highest hospitalization rates in southern New England. Notably, South Providence’s population is 90% people of color; Washington Park’s is above 60%.
Smiley bristled at Morales’ plan to tax polluters. “Many of my opponent’s proposals — which continue to evolve, by the way — are illegal or not allowed, and he leaves some of those details out, and sometimes changes his position,” he told me. Ahlquist, who issued a rare endorsement of Morales last spring, contends that “we know for a fact it is not illegal” to tax polluters at a different rate. (In truth, it’s a bit of a legal gray area; Providence’s tax code allows it to adopt a classification system with different rates for industrial properties, but whether that classification can be used to single out specific polluters on Allens Avenue is murkier.)
In an interview with Ahlquist, Morales has also proposed buying out the Rhode Island Recycled Metals property — where some of the worst contamination has originated — and pursuing “brownfield mediation” in the area. “I find it shameful that Public Street, one of the few shoreline access points around the Port of Providence, is not a very welcoming environment,” he said. On the adaptation side, he’s proposed passing a green energy bond to invest in renewable energy and upgrade the sewage system with an eye on future flooding.
A week ago, it might have seemed as though Morales had progressive momentum on his side. But after the upset of Democratic Socialist Francesca Hong in Wisconsin on Tuesday night and the narrow victory by progressive up-and-comer Abdul El-Sayed in Michigan the week before, the narrative is now more complicated. Meanwhile, the first primary poll shows Smiley with a 4-point edge — within the margin of error, but still likely to have the Morales campaign in a state of jitters.
Climate adaptation can sometimes fall under a variation of the refrain parodied in urban infrastructure circles: One more study would fix this. That’s especially true in Rhode Island, where study after study has highlighted the problems Morales and Smiley are circling, and yet here they still are, at the center of yet another mayoral race.
“One of the things that frustrates me is when you write a plan and then put it on the bookshelf, and that’s the end of it,” Smiley told me, sounding genuinely irked as we spoke on the phone. “That’s not how I do plans.” He told me stormwater infrastructure would be a major focus of his administration if he’s elected to another term, while he hopes his decarbonization roadmap and the green revolving fund will outlast his mayoralty, whenever and however it may end.
Morales has been stymied before, too. Ahlquist recalled watching the young legislator in the State House at the end of a legislative session, when, in the waning hours, he was told by leadership that a bill he’d been working on wasn’t going to get through. “David, when he’s in public, he’s very controlled, very managed,” Ahlquist said. But from his vantage point, Ahlquist could see Morales had started to cry.
“It’s midnight, the last days of session, and I just saw something raw in him then,” Ahlquist said. “It was like, Wow, this is a guy who really gives a shit.”
Editor’s note: This story has been updated to include responses from the Smiley campaign.
Chatting about win-win solutions with the Abundance Institute’s Ryan Norris.
This week’s conversation is with Ryan Norris, senior fellow for energy policy at the Abundance Institute. The libertarian-leaning institute — whose name cleverly shortens to AI — is a new-ish entity with increasing relevance in energy and tech spaces. As Norris and I discussed, it’s starting to help shape policy on data center development and the generation that’ll power it all, especially in Republican circles. Norris himself previously worked with Americans for Prosperity, a right-wing political organization. I reached out to him and asked if we could chat because I wanted to know more about the institute’s work within the energy space. He wound up saying a lot more than I expected. So let’s dive into it.
The following conversation was lightly edited and abridged for clarity.
So let’s start with what you’re working on. What’s on your desk these days?
Here at Abundance, we sit at the juncture of emerging technology and the energy they need to bring that new technology to bear to impact life positively. We are always in a constant state of learning and researching what the latest thoughts and feelings are around certain policies, particularly around AI and data centers, and then energy technology. How do they feel about nuclear? Geothermal? Solar and battery arrays?
A lot of what I’m working on is Project Gigawatt, a body of policy that fits into permitting, generation, the grid, transmission, and then market and demand. Policies that we believe will generate more, transmit more, and as much of a free market approach as possible. Knowing that a lot of states have regulated utilities, when the state utility can’t produce what the state can potentially actually generate or would need to in order to accommodate large loads, we think there needs to be other opportunities to either bring that power or purchase it in a different way.
When it comes to this policy set, how are you taking into account the intensifying backlash to data center and AI infrastructure, as well as the energy attached to it?
As everyone can sense, things are moving rapidly, and there is a natural inclination to question how fast we’re going. I think these concerns need to be addressed seriously and respectfully. You can’t just say negative things about people who care about water quality or impacts to their local economies. Those are valid. I’ve lived through those. I come from a rural place in Arkansas that had oil and gas plays. And I’ve seen there needs to be conversations with people living in those areas too.
We cannot discount the backlash. When you take the legitimate concerns and pair them with the opportunities coming, I think there’s actually a chance to set up win-win solutions. It shouldn’t be a win-lose scenario here. They have skepticism about AI in the short and long term — that’s a natural inclination and not a negative, per se. But educating people and policymakers about data centers, that’s important.
What is your approach to the rise in land use regulation around data centers and energy infrastructure, moratoria and restrictive ordinances?
As much as possible, you want the infrastructure and cost allocation to be borne by the business causing it. That’s the motivation behind a lot of colocation partnerships happening right now, like the Kilby project in Texas, with natural gas powering a Microsoft hyperscale.
To us, it’s about setting up the opportunity for private property owners to sell to those hyperscalers and those generating the energy. Setting up situations where you’re not stopping people from benefiting. A lot of the “bring your own power” concept, we really like that. Maybe having it where power purchase agreements are more in the mix, things along those lines. That’s where I see things.
The energy increases to our utility bills, people are concerned about it, and that’s a bread and butter issue. That’s the approach: We know we need grid upgrades and want to have the most cost effective versions of those as possible, but you want those needing the power paying for it and not putting it on the backs of residents.
I’m curious, what’s you and your organization’s approach to the rise of gas infrastructure built for AI and the potential impacts that could have on climate change?
I don’t discount the issue of climate change.
Let’s say we’re not able to decarbonize enough to reverse the effects of warmth. We know we’ll have to create energy. We know we have other options for energy that need to be in the mix — more nuclear, which now even some of those who are climate-minded understand is an abundant energy source. I’m also interested in new technologies in geothermal where it can be viable in more places than we thought. You can drill down and tap hot rocks, a basin of water, turn a turbine, and that’s more acceptable for those who care about the climate. And states are looking at it, including my state of Arkansas. I bring these up because I also care about sources that provide firm, consistently available power.
We attended the American Legislative Exchange Council, and one of the things we do, we’re voting members on the energy, environment, and agriculture task force. We’re pro letting the market decide what they need. So we took opposite stances from what people typically consider normal standards on the center-right about banning “net-zero” for local governments. It did pass as model legislation but if we believe “all of the above” is the approach, we also want to be principally correct to ourselves that it doesn’t mean banning wind or solar where it’s viable.
My last question: What’s your thought on the future of politics around AI infrastructure and energy generation for it?
There’s definitely headwinds to those in that industry. I think the sense is, they understood what they wanted and didn’t see any barriers to the way they’d go about it. That’s causing ripple effects in our politics at the local level, including here in Arkansas, where I live in Pulaski County. I think it’ll stay important particularly as it connects to affordability concerns around energy. We know we need more energy, but we want it at the lowest cost possible to the residential side. If people are feeling like data centers are driving the demand for the energy and aren’t on the hook for it, that’s going to position them to be more negative towards the technology.
But we have to expand the conversation. There are folks out there talking about 3D printing for homes, using proprietary cement mixes to build homes in a few weeks when they took months. Agriculture is using robotics in lieu of pesticides and herbicides. Advanced manufacturing is improving the quality of medical equipment. No one completely understands the end goal of new energy to fuel the data centers and AI to get us where there’s a net benefit to them.
Plus more of the week’s biggest development fights.
1. Shelby County, Alabama — The Trump administration’s widening effort to intervene in rural energy project fights is facing an early test: What happens if companies don’t take it seriously?
2. Ozaukee County, Wisconsin — Speaking of walls, we just saw the political power of the data center resistance hit one in the Badger State.
3. Everywhere in Texas — Texas Governor Greg Abbott is getting a lot of love for his data center standards, with major developers rolling out press statements claiming they’ll comply.
4. Herkimer County, New York — Something weird is going on in upstate New York with a monastery, a wind farm, and the Trump administration. I’m not sure what to make of it yet.