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Daily Briefing

Trump ‘Isn’t Happy’ About Exxon and Chevron’s Monster Profits

Even though he is partially responsible for them.

Donald Trump.
Heatmap Illustration/Getty Images

This is an edition of Heatmap Daily, an evening review of the day’s news written by our executive editor. Sign up for it here.

Welcome to August — which, as the political commentator Josh Barro once observed, is the year’s “stupidest news month.” Because Congress goes on recess around this time of year, and so many other Americans go on vacation, “the quantity of serious news structurally declines,” and we journalists have to turn to sillier stories in order to fill the space.

I couldn’t help but think of that post today. As my colleague Matthew Zeitlin covered last week, oil companies recently had a blowout quarter. Last week, Chevron reported its best quarterly earnings result ever, while Exxon announced its largest profit in four years. None of this was a surprise: The Iran war and the Strait of Hormuz’s closure sent oil prices soaring around the world in the spring, making the supermajors’ domestic refinery business especially profitable. Despite its big result, Exxon actually underperformed Wall Street’s expectations — that’s how expected all of this was.

Still, though — the oil companies benefited from a supply shock that was hurting everyone else in the economy. Although this kind of volatility is part and parcel of the commodities business — it is part of what makes commodities so enticing to investors — it is, at the very least, not a good look. And in times like these, progressive policymakers will sometimes call for a windfall profits tax, a one-time levy on large and unexpected profits arising from a situation outside a company’s control. (Centrists and conservatives tend to prefer making different reforms to the tax system that tax “supernormal” profits.)

The United States last imposed a windfall profits tax on oil companies in the 1970s, but other countries still use them today: The U.K. implemented one after Russia’s invasion of Ukraine drove up gas prices in 2022, as did a handful of European countries. More recently, Senator Sheldon Whitehouse of Rhode Island and Representative Ro Khanna of California proposed a windfall tax after gasoline prices shot up in March.

I wouldn’t have counted President Trump among Whitehouse’s and Khanna’s number. Yet speaking to reporters from the Oval Office today, Trump said the oil companies were “making too much money” from the Strait of Hormuz closure.

“Chevron, too much money. ExxonMobil, too much money,” the president said. “When you look at one company where they made 12 times what they made the year before, they ought to give some of that back to the public … And they better cut the retail price, the consumer price.”

He noted that many reporters looked “surprised” he was saying it, but reiterated he “wasn’t happy.”

Now, the president hasn’t quite called for a windfall profits tax — he seems to have something more voluntary in mind. Yet given Trump’s fealty to the industry in virtually every other context, his comments are striking and make his political judgement around the war all the more perplexing. The president chose to go to war with Iran — and the almost certain outcome of that conflict, in any world, was going to be higher oil prices. If anything, the war has moved crude less than analysts would have thought. What was Trump expecting here?

I don’t expect these remarks to usher in some new era of Trumpian policy or politics — this is probably just another silly August story. But they reflect how much the politics of energy have changed since President Trump took office in January 2025. Americans know it, Democrats know it, and President Trump knows it too.

Blue

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Energy

Scoop: Trump to Permit Largest-Ever Gas Project in Just 7 Months

The facility will power OpenAI’s 10-gigawatt data center in Pike County, Ohio.

Donald Trump and rubber stamps.
Heatmap Illustration/Getty Images, Library of Congress

The Trump administration aims to complete its environmental review of what would be the biggest fossil fuel power project in the country in just a few months, Heatmap has learned.

This news follows Monday’s announcement from OpenAI that it intends to lease a new 10-gigawatt data center under development in Pike County, Ohio, financed by a mixture of money from a SoftBank subsidiary and the chip company Nvidia. This AI hyperscale facility — known as the PORTS-Pike project — is expected to draw power from the largest gas power facility ever built in the United States, a 9.2-gigawatt facility sited on federal lands that would be built and owned by the Energy Department.

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Spotlight

Data Center Moratoria Are ‘Unconstitutional,’ Lawsuits Claim

A new front opens in the data center wars.

An anti-data-center sign.
Heatmap Illustration/Getty Images

A series of lawsuits filed in federal court asks a big question – are data center moratoria constitutional?

In early August, data center developer DC Blox sued the city of Nashville in federal court to overturn a zoning moratorium stopping them from building a hyperscale facility adjacent to the city zoo. “The Data Center Moratorium, moreover, is a targeted attack against DC BLOX, in violation of federal constitutional protections,” the suit argued, claiming that it defied the corporation’s due process and equal protection rights.

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Hotspots

Local Permitting Fights Take Over National Politics

And more on this week’s conflicts around project development.

The United States.
Heatmap Illustration/Getty Images

1. Montgomery County, Pennsylvania – We reached a new normal in the data center backlash, and it all seems to have started in King of Prussia.

  • On Tuesday, Pennsylvania Gov. Josh Shapiro announced his state – one once coveted by the AI industry for hyperscale construction – will no longer permit projects without local support. It was a step change from posture taken mere months earlier, when he announced voluntary standards for data center development that I found may have been vetted by representatives of the industry, including Amazon.
  • Tucked in Shapiro’s speech was what I can only imagine was his last straw: developer Brian O’Neill’s efforts to construct data center buildings in the King of Prussia community, close to where he grew up himself. Without calling him out by name, the governor said he was “stoking fear in the community, even though he has no realistic path to getting power at the sites any time soon.”
  • “Here’s something else he has no realistic path to getting: my support,” the governor said.
  • As the climate news outlet DeSmog wrote earlier this month, O’Neill had closely collaborated with members of Shapiro’s administration for more than a year before this speech happened, including on securing energy. But the real estate magnate’s projects kept facing local rejections; people really don’t seem to want what he’s been selling.
  • Now Shapiro is turning on O’Neill, transforming him into what he described as a type of “speculative” developer his government wishes to discourage from building projects in his state.

2. Columbia County, Wisconsin – The gubernatorial race in this state is transforming local fights over wind projects into must-watch popcorn fodder for anyone obsessed with the state of the energy transition, or national politics for that matter.

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