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In an exclusive interview, Deputy Treasury Secretary Wally Adeyemo laid out the three big to-do items the department is pushing to finish by January.

The Treasury Department will finalize the long-awaited rules governing the new clean hydrogen tax credit before the end of the year, Deputy Secretary Wally Adeyemo told Heatmap in an exclusive interview Monday.
It will also publish the final guidance for the advanced manufacturing and technology-neutral clean power tax credits by that time, he said.
That means that the Treasury Department will have finished the rules governing most — but not all — of the 18 tax credits created or remade by the Inflation Reduction Act, President Joe Biden’s signature climate package, by the end of his term. More than two years after that law’s passage, many of the potential beneficiaries — including electric utilities, battery manufacturers, and more — are still waiting to find out exactly how to collect its incentives.
The Treasury hasn’t just been sitting on its hands. Adeyemo told us the department has completed 75 guidance “projects” related to the IRA, a category that includes proposed and final rules as well as some non-binding FAQs and other documents. Citing an analysis from the Rhodium Group, an energy research firm, and MIT, he said that the Inflation Reduction Act has already spurred some $380 billion of private investment in 1,600 clean energy projects nationwide, potentially creating 270,000 jobs.
“This is far out-performing what I think the initial expectations for the law were at this stage,” Adeyemo said. “But as you also know, lots of people want us to finish additional rulemaking.”
The uncertainty has been especially paralyzing for the nascent clean hydrogen industry, as the final guidance for the hydrogen tax credit, section 45V of the tax code, could determine which multimillion dollar projects ultimately get developed. Chief among the Treasury Department’s concerns: It must decide how hydrogen producers who use electrolysis — sending electricity through water to split its molecules — should deal with the indirect carbon emissions associated with drawing power from the grid.
Under the scheme favored by climate advocates, would-be hydrogen makers will have to build enough new renewable capacity to satisfy their energy needs in close to real time. Under a proposal more favored by the industry, producers could buy power from existing nuclear or hydroelectric power plants that currently serve other customers, or simply offset their emissions with solar energy certificates even if they continue to operate when the sun goes down. Draft rules published in December took a strict approach to emissions — and faced fierce pushback not just from industry, but also from Democratic members of Congress and the Department of Energy. Leaders of regional clean hydrogen hubs — which have been awarded grants by a separate $7 billion federal program — argued that strict rules would be fatal to their cause.
There is a lot of money at stake — up to $3 per kilogram of hydrogen produced, equaling many billions over the lifetime of the program — to build a new industry from near-scratch. Some energy modelers fear that if the program is designed poorly, that windfall could subsidize a lot of carbon emissions. Projects that are supposed to help the U.S. cut emissions could end up creating them instead, these groups have predicted, setting the country back two to three percentage points on its greenhouse gas targets.
There are many other open questions about the hydrogen credit, including requirements for producers that make hydrogen from natural gas, instead of from water and electricity. Although hydrogen companies made a flurry of new project announcements right after the Inflation Reduction Act first passed, many have since put those plans on hold as the industry awaits the final rules.
The Treasury received more than 30,000 comments on the initial draft of the hydrogen rules. Though Adeyemo did not comment on the final rules’ substance, he called those comments “quite helpful” and asserted multiple times during our interview that the Treasury has found middle ground.
“Congress has provided a strong enough incentive here that allows us to do two things at once, which is one, make sure that we’re watching for significant indirect emissions, but at the same time creating pathways to do exactly what industry is talking about, which is accelerating the development of the industry here,” he said.
Looming over these decisions is the upcoming election, when a change in control of the White House or Congress could open up the rules to review. Adeyemo acknowledged that the final rules were unlikely to please everyone. But he said that he was “less concerned” about pushback from Congress. He argued that the tax credit was lucrative enough that companies could afford to abide by the requirements Treasury ultimately sets, and that what the industry really wants is “clarity, certainty, and flexibility.”
Companies and environmental groups on both sides of the hydrogen fight — including the energy company Constellation, which operates more than a dozen nuclear plants, and the Natural Resources Defense Council — have already threatened lawsuits if the rules do not align with their priorities. Recent Supreme Court decisions have weakened federal agencies’ ability to defend their own rules in court. But Adeyemo said the department was working hard to design the rules “in a way that is in keeping with congressional intent,” to protect them from such attacks. “We’re now going through the process of making sure that we show our work and how we’ve done that.”
The other tax credit rules the Treasury plans to finalize, while still consequential, have not left such foundational questions up in the air. Companies have already begun building battery factories, for example, under the expectation that they will be able to claim the advanced manufacturing tax credit. The technology-neutral clean power credits don’t even go into effect until next year, and the biggest uncertainty is whether facilities that burn biomass or methane captured from landfills for energy will qualify.
The news also leaves a few industries in the dark. Adeyemo said he couldn’t commit to a timeline for finalizing a tax credit for low-carbon aviation fuel, for example. Final rules for a tax credit for electric vehicle charging equipment are also on the to-do list.
“The challenge, of course, is there’s only so many people here at the Treasury Department who are doing all this work,” Adeyemo said, “so getting through all the 30,000 comments on clean hydrogen and focusing on that means that there’s going to be clear trade-offs.”
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There has been no new nuclear construction in the U.S. since Vogtle, but the workers are still plenty busy.
The Trump administration wants to have 10 new large nuclear reactors under construction by 2030 — an ambitious goal under any circumstances. It looks downright zany, though, when you consider that the workforce that should be driving steel into the ground, pouring concrete, and laying down wires for nuclear plants is instead building and linking up data centers.
This isn’t how it was supposed to be. Thousands of people, from construction laborers to pipefitters to electricians, worked on the two new reactors at the Plant Vogtle in Georgia, which were intended to be the start of a sequence of projects, erecting new Westinghouse AP1000 reactors across Georgia and South Carolina. Instead, years of delays and cost overruns resulted in two long-delayed reactors 35 miles southeast of Augusta, Georgia — and nothing else.
“We had challenges as we were building a new supply chain for a new technology and then workforce,” John Williams, an executive at Southern Nuclear Operating Company, which owns over 45% of Plant Vogtle, said in a webinar hosted by the environmental group Resources for the Future in October.
“It had been 30 years since we had built a new nuclear plant from scratch in the United States. Our workforce didn’t have that muscle memory that they have in other parts of the world, where they have been building on a more regular frequency.”
That workforce “hasn’t been building nuclear plants” since heavy construction stopped at Vogtle in 2023, he noted — but they have been busy “building data centers and car manufacturing in Georgia.”
Williams said that it would take another “six to 10” AP1000 projects for costs to come down far enough to make nuclear construction routine. “If we were currently building the next AP1000s, we would be farther down that road,” he said. “But we’ve stopped again.”
J.R. Richardson, business manager and financial secretary of the International Brotherhood of Electric Workers Local 1579, based in Augusta, Georgia, told me his union “had 2,000 electricians on that job,” referring to Vogtle. “So now we have a skill set with electricians that did that project. If you wait 20 or 30 years, that skill set is not going to be there anymore.”
Richardson pointed to the potential revitalization of the failed V.C. Summer nuclear project in South Carolina, saying that his union had already been reached out to about it starting up again. Until then, he said, he had 350 electricians working on a Meta data center project between Augusta and Atlanta.
“They’re all basically the same,” he told me of the data center projects. “They’re like cookie cutter homes, but it’s on a bigger scale.”
To be clear, though the segue from nuclear construction to data center construction may hold back the nuclear industry, it has been great for workers, especially unionized electrical and construction workers.
“If an IBEW electrician says they're going hungry, something’s wrong with them,” Richardson said.
Meta’s Northwest Louisiana data center project will require 700 or 800 electricians sitewide, Richardson told me. He estimated that of the IBEW’s 875,000 members, about a tenth were working on data centers, and about 30% of his local were on a single data center job.
When I asked him whether that workforce could be reassembled for future nuclear plants, he said that the “majority” of the workforce likes working on nuclear projects, even if they’re currently doing data center work. “A lot of IBEW electricians look at the longevity of the job,” Richardson told me — and nuclear plants famously take a long, long time to build.
America isn’t building any new nuclear power plants right now (though it will soon if Rick Perry gets his way), but the question of how to balance a workforce between energy construction and data center projects is a pressing one across the country.
It’s not just nuclear developers that have to think about data centers when it comes to recruiting workers — it’s renewables developers, as well.
“We don’t see people leaving the workforce,” said Adam Sokolski, director of regulatory and economic affairs at EDF Renewables North America. “We do see some competition.”
He pointed specifically to Ohio, where he said, “You have a strong concentration of solar happening at the same time as a strong concentration of data center work and manufacturing expansion. There’s something in the water there.”
Sokolski told me that for EDF’s renewable projects, in order to secure workers, he and the company have to “communicate real early where we know we’re going to do a project and start talking to labor in those areas. We’re trying to give them a market signal as a way to say, We’re going to be here in two years.”
Solar and data center projects have lots of overlapping personnel needs, Sokolski said. There are operating engineers “working excavators and bulldozers and graders” or pounding posts into place. And then, of course, there are electricians, who Sokolski said were “a big, big piece of the puzzle — everything from picking up the solar panel off from the pallet to installing it on the racking system, wiring it together to the substations, the inverters to the communication systems, ultimately up to the high voltage step-up transformers and onto the grid.”
On the other hand, explained Kevin Pranis, marketing manager of the Great Lakes regional organizing committee of the Laborers’ International Union of North America, a data center is like a “fancy, very nice warehouse.” This means that when a data center project starts up, “you basically have pretty much all building trades” working on it. “You’ve got site and civil work, and you’re doing a big concrete foundation, and then you’re erecting iron and putting a building around it.”
Data centers also have more mechanical systems than the average building, “so you have more electricians and more plumbers and pipefitters” on site, as well.
Individual projects may face competition for workers, but Pranis framed the larger issue differently: Renewable energy projects are often built to support data centers. “If we get a data center, that means we probably also get a wind or solar project, and batteries,” he said.
While the data center boom is putting upward pressure on labor demand, Pranis told me that in some parts of the country, like the Upper Midwest, it’s helping to compensate for a slump in commercial real estate, which is one of the bread and butter industries for his construction union.
Data centers, Pranis said, aren’t the best projects for his members to work on. They really like doing manufacturing work. But, he added, it’s “a nice large load and it’s a nice big building, and there’s some number of good jobs.”
A conversation with Dustin Mulvaney of San Jose State University
This week’s conversation is a follow up with Dustin Mulvaney, a professor of environmental studies at San Jose State University. As you may recall we spoke with Mulvaney in the immediate aftermath of the Moss Landing battery fire disaster, which occurred near his university’s campus. Mulvaney told us the blaze created a true-blue PR crisis for the energy storage industry in California and predicted it would cause a wave of local moratoria on development. Eight months after our conversation, it’s clear as day how right he was. So I wanted to check back in with him to see how the state’s development landscape looks now and what the future may hold with the Moss Landing dust settled.
Help my readers get a state of play – where are we now in terms of the post-Moss Landing resistance landscape?
A couple things are going on. Monterey Bay is surrounded by Monterey County and Santa Cruz County and both are considering ordinances around battery storage. That’s different than a ban – important. You can have an ordinance that helps facilitate storage. Some people here are very focused on climate change issues and the grid, because here in Santa Cruz County we’re at a terminal point where there really is no renewable energy, so we have to have battery storage. And like, in Santa Cruz County the ordinance would be for unincorporated areas – I’m not sure how materially that would impact things. There’s one storage project in Watsonville near Moss Landing, and the ordinance wouldn’t even impact that. Even in Monterey County, the idea is to issue a moratorium and again, that’s in unincorporated areas, too.
It’s important to say how important battery storage is going to be for the coastal areas. That’s where you see the opposition, but all of our renewables are trapped in southern California and we have a bottleneck that moves power up and down the state. If California doesn’t get offshore wind or wind from Wyoming into the northern part of the state, we’re relying on batteries to get that part of the grid decarbonized.
In the areas of California where batteries are being opposed, who is supporting them and fighting against the protests? I mean, aside from the developers and an occasional climate activist.
The state has been strongly supporting the industry. Lawmakers in the state have been really behind energy storage and keeping things headed in that direction of more deployment. Other than that, I think you’re right to point out there’s not local advocates saying, “We need more battery storage.” It tends to come from Sacramento. I’m not sure you’d see local folks in energy siting usually, but I think it’s also because we are still actually deploying battery storage in some areas of the state. If we were having even more trouble, maybe we’d have more advocacy for development in response.
Has the Moss Landing incident impacted renewable energy development in California? I’ve seen some references to fears about that incident crop up in fights over solar in Imperial County, for example, which I know has been coveted for development.
Everywhere there’s batteries, people are pointing at Moss Landing and asking how people will deal with fires. I don’t know how powerful the arguments are in California, but I see it in almost every single renewable project that has a battery.
Okay, then what do you think the next phase of this is? Are we just going to be trapped in a battery fire fear cycle, or do you think this backlash will evolve?
We’re starting to see it play out here with the state opt-in process where developers can seek state approval to build without local approval. As this situation after Moss Landing has played out, more battery developers have wound up in the opt-in process. So what we’ll see is more battery developers try to get permission from the state as opposed to local officials.
There are some trade-offs with that. But there are benefits in having more resources to help make the decisions. The state will have more expertise in emergency response, for example, whereas every local jurisdiction has to educate themselves. But no matter what I think they’ll be pursuing the opt-in process – there’s nothing local governments can really do to stop them with that.
Part of what we’re seeing though is, you have to have a community benefit agreement in place for the project to advance under the California Environmental Quality Act. The state has been pretty strict about that, and that’s the one thing local folks could still do – influence whether a developer can get a community benefits agreement with representatives on the ground. That’s the one strategy local folks who want to push back on a battery could use, block those agreements. Other than that, I think some counties here in California may not have much resistance. They need the revenue and see these as economic opportunities.
I can’t help but hear optimism in your tone of voice here. It seems like in spite of the disaster, development is still moving forward. Do you think California is doing a better or worse job than other states at deploying battery storage and handling the trade offs?
Oh, better. I think the opt-in process looks like a nice balance between taking local authority away over things and the better decision-making that can be brought in. The state creating that program is one way to help encourage renewables and avoid a backlash, honestly, while staying on track with its decarbonization goals.
The week’s most important fights around renewable energy.
1. Nantucket, Massachusetts – A federal court for the first time has granted the Trump administration legal permission to rescind permits given to renewable energy projects.
2. Harvey County, Kansas – The sleeper election result of 2025 happened in the town of Halstead, Kansas, where voters backed a moratorium on battery storage.
3. Cheboygan County, Michigan – A group of landowners is waging a new legal challenge against Michigan’s permitting primacy law, which gives renewables developers a shot at circumventing local restrictions.
4. Klamath County, Oregon – It’s not all bad news today, as this rural Oregon county blessed a very large solar project with permits.
5. Muscatine County, Iowa – To quote DJ Khaled, another one: This county is also advancing a solar farm, eliding a handful of upset neighbors.