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America’s flagship automaker has all but given up on making consumer electric vehicles — for now, at least.
Well, that’s not good.
Ford Motor Company is canceling one of its most anticipated electric vehicles and delaying another EV project. The changes will cost at least $400 million — and as much as $1.9 billion — the company said Wednesday, and they signal that one of the biggest players in the American car industry still hasn’t yet found a workable EV strategy. With these new delays, the North American car market may not see the explosive growth of EV options — the kind of efflorescence already happening in Europe and China — until the end of this decade.
The primary car in question is Ford’s planned three-row EV crossover, possibly its most anticipated EV model. The new car, which was originally slated for release in 2023 before being bumped to 2025, will now be produced only as a hybrid. That fits in with Ford’s recent embrace of hybrids — by 2030, the company now says, it will offer a hybrid version of each vehicle in its line-up — but it deals a substantial blow to the company’s future EV offerings. Ford also announced that it will delay the release of a new medium-sized electric pickup truck to 2027. That truck, so far known only as “T3,” is meant to be the first product of the company’s California-based skunkworks staffed by Tesla alumni. That team is meant to help Ford develop a low-cost, globally competitive electric vehicle platform that could eventually undergird crossovers, trucks, and commercial vehicles.
Taken together, these changes mean that the company will offer no new electric vehicles in the consumer market for the next two years. Yes, the company’s outlook for EVs in the commercial market is a little brighter — Ford will begin selling an all-electric commercial van in 2026. But to entice the average buyer it will have to rely entirely on existing models — the Mustang Mach E and F-150 Lightning — to generate EV sales. The company will also cut back a quarter of its planned EV spending. It’s not an overstatement to say that Ford seems to be giving up on the consumer side of the EV transition until the back half of the decade.
“Ford has some improvements coming in 2026, but they’re basically throwing their hands up on the market,” Corey Cantor, an EV analyst at the market research firm BloombergNEF, told me. “They’re essentially ceding ground to other automakers in the U.S. market, and there’s a clear lack of plan for how they plan to stay competitive.
“There’s no way you can say it’s a good thing for the U.S. EV market,” he added.
Executives blamed the shifts on persistent challenges turning a profit in its EV unit, which has hemorrhaged money as it has spun up production, ultimately losing $130,000 on every EV that it sold during the first quarter of 2024.
“These vehicles need to be profitable, and if they’re not profitable based on where the customer is and the market is, we will ... make those tough decisions,” John Lawler, Ford’s chief financial officer, told the Financial Times. The company could not figure out how to reconcile the cost of the large battery needed for the three-row SUV with the vehicle’s size and price in a way that could turn a profit within 12 months, he added.
Ford’s approach may reflect a canny understanding of consumer demand in the American market. Although EVs are far better for the climate than gasoline-burning vehicles, hybrids pollute somewhat less than conventional gas guzzlers. Over the past few years, as new EV models have trickled into the market, hybrid sales have boomed, and that is, all things considered, a good thing: Replacing America’s fleet of gasoline-burning SUVs and crossovers with a hybrid fleet will still work to reduce emissions, although it will not allow for the extremely rapid emissions reductions that could keep the 1.5 degree Celsius warming goal in sight.
More pertinently, perhaps, the shift also creates a strategic opening in the American EV market. Tesla has long dominated U.S. market share, and in the past few years, Ford has settled into a comfortable No. 2 position. But Tesla has struggled with its own dearth of new models: Except for the luxury Cybertruck, the automaker has no new cars or trucks in its pipeline. And now that Ford appears to be taking a step back, the combined effect could create an opening for other automakers — namely Hyundai, Kia, or the startup Rivian — to step into the breach in 2025 and 2026. If Ford’s timeline holds, for instance, then Rivian will begin selling its widely awaited $45,000 R2 crossover in 2026, a year before Ford can offer anything new.
The shift also vindicates decision making at Ford’s cross-town competitor, General Motors. While Ford sought to take an early lead by manufacturing a few buzzy standalone EV models (like the Mach E), GM has focused on developing a robust EV platform, the Ultium. Although its initial Ultium-based releases had big deficiencies, its latest cars look better, and the platform should allow it to begin manufacturing a diverse lineup of cars and trucks in a relatively brief period of time. “For all the knocking we did of GM, their thinking makes sense: First you spin battery manufacturing up, then you put it in a lot of models, then you find out which models work” in the broader market, Cantor told me.
But perhaps the change in plans is most ominous for Ford’s cost model: If it can’t get a three-row crossover to pencil out, how can it get any kind of non-F-150 to work financially? Despite Ford’s struggles to make its three-row SUV concept work, other companies have already brought their own three-row electric vehicles to market. At the high end, Rivian’s R1T has three rows, starts at $69,000, and is the company’s best-selling vehicle. But Kia’s three-row EV9 starts at about $55,000 before subsidies, and Hyundai is due to start selling its own three-row SUV, the Ioniq 9, later this year. Other companies have found a way to make EVs without breaking the bank. Why hasn’t Ford?
But if Ford and GM’s behavior makes more sense for the wealthier and more cautious American consumer — in a country where public fast charger installation is still lagging — then it indicates, too, just how much America has fallen behind other global auto markets. On the same day that Ford backed off its multi-year EV goals, the Chinese tech giant Xiaomi announced that it had already beaten its annual target for EV sales and turned a profit while doing it. Xiaomi, BYD, and other Chinese automakers are rushing into the EV market, seemingly capable of producing more EVs, more cheaply and profitably, than their American competitors. Ford’s retrenchment into gas cars means that it has now fallen even further behind the global standard.
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And more of this week’s top renewable energy fights across the country.
1. Otsego County, Michigan – The Mitten State is proving just how hard it can be to build a solar project in wooded areas. Especially once Fox News gets involved.
2. Atlantic County, New Jersey – Opponents of offshore wind in Atlantic City are trying to undo an ordinance allowing construction of transmission cables that would connect the Atlantic Shores offshore wind project to the grid.
3. Benton County, Washington – Sorry Scout Clean Energy, but the Yakima Nation is coming for Horse Heaven.
Here’s what else we’re watching right now…
In Connecticut, officials have withdrawn from Vineyard Wind 2 — leading to the project being indefinitely shelved.
In Indiana, Invenergy just got a rejection from Marshall County for special use of agricultural lands.
In Kansas, residents in Dickinson County are filing legal action against county commissioners who approved Enel’s Hope Ridge wind project.
In Kentucky, a solar project was actually approved for once – this time for the East Kentucky Power Cooperative.
In North Carolina, Davidson County is getting a solar moratorium.
In Pennsylvania, the town of Unity rejected a solar project. Elsewhere in the state, the developer of the Newton 1 solar project is appealing their denial.
In South Carolina, a state appeals court has upheld the rejection of a 2,300 acre solar project proposed by Coastal Pine Solar.
In Washington State, Yakima County looks like it’ll keep its solar moratorium in place.
And more of this week’s top policy news around renewables.
1. Trump’s Big Promise – Our nation’s incoming president is now saying he’ll ban all wind projects on Day 1, an expansion of his previous promise to stop only offshore wind.
2. The Big Nuclear Lawsuit – Texas and Utah are suing to kill the Nuclear Regulatory Commission’s authority to license small modular reactors.
3. Biden’s parting words – The Biden administration has finished its long-awaited guidance for the IRA’s tech-neutral electricity credit (which barely changed) and hydrogen production credit.
A conversation with J. Timmons Roberts, executive director of Brown University’s Climate Social Science Network
This week’s interview is with Brown University professor J. Timmons Roberts. Those of you familiar with the fight over offshore wind may not know Roberts by name, but you’re definitely familiar with his work: He and his students have spearheaded some of the most impactful research conducted on anti-offshore wind opposition networks. This work is a must-read for anyone who wants to best understand how the anti-renewables movement functions and why it may be difficult to stop it from winning out.
So with Trump 2.0 on the verge of banning offshore wind outright, I decided to ask Roberts what he thinks developers should be paying attention to at this moment. The following interview has been lightly edited for clarity.
Is the anti-renewables movement a political force the country needs to reckon with?
Absolutely. In my opinion it’s been unfortunate for the environmental groups, the wind development, the government officials, climate scientists – they’ve been unwilling to engage directly with those groups. They want to keep a very positive message talking about the great things that come with wind and solar. And they’ve really left the field open as a result.
I think that as these claims sit there unrefuted and naive people – I don’t mean naive in a negative sense but people who don’t know much about this issue – are only hearing the negative spin about renewables. It’s a big problem.
When you say renewables developers aren’t interacting here – are you telling me the wind industry is just letting these people run roughshod?
I’ve seen no direct refutation in those anti-wind Facebook groups, and there’s very few environmentalists or others. People are quite afraid to go in there.
But even just generally. This vast network you’ve tracked – have you seen a similar kind of counter mobilization on the part of those who want to build these wind farms offshore?
There’s some mobilization. There’s something called the New England for Offshore Wind coalition. There’s some university programs. There’s some other oceanographic groups, things like that.
My observation is that they’re mostly staff organizations and they’re very cautious. They’re trying to work as a coalition. And they’re going as slow as their most cautious member.
As someone who has researched these networks, what are you watching for in the coming year? Under the first year of Trump 2.0?
Yeah I mean, channeling my optimistic and Midwestern dad, my thought is that there may be an overstepping by the Trump administration and by some of these activists. The lack of viable alternative pathways forward and almost anti-climate approaches these groups are now a part of can backfire for them. Folks may say, why would I want to be supportive of your group if you’re basically undermining everything I believe in?
What do you think developers should know about the research you have done into these networks?
I think it's important for deciding bodies and the public, the media and so on, to know who they’re hearing when they hear voices at a public hearing or in a congressional field hearing. Who are the people representing? Whose voice are they advancing?
It’s important for these actors that want to advance action on climate change and renewables to know what strategies and the tactics are being used and also know about the connections.
One of the things you pointed out in your research is that, yes, there are dark money groups involved in this movement and there are outside figures involved, but a lot of this sometimes is just one person posts something to the internet and then another person posts something to the internet.
Does that make things harder when it comes to addressing the anti-renewables movement?
Absolutely. Social media’s really been devastating for developing science and informed, rational public policymaking. It’s so easy to create a conspiracy and false information and very slanted, partial information to shoot holes at something as big as getting us off of fossil fuels.
Our position has developed as we understand that indeed these are not just astro-turf groups created by some far away corporation but there are legitimate concerns – like fishing, where most of it is based on certainty – and then there are these sensationalized claims that drive fears. That fear is real. And it’s unfortunate.
Anything else you’d really like to tell our readers?
I didn’t really choose this topic. I feel like it really got me. It was me and four students sitting in my conference room down the hall and I said, have you heard about this group that just started here in Rhode Island that’s making these claims we should investigate? And students were super excited about it and have really been the leaders.